The Katipunan

To the lodge Nilad, the Gr∴ Sec∴ of the Gr∴ Or∴ Esp∴ wrote from Madrid, June 8th 1892:

AL∴ G∴ D∴ G∴ A∴ D∴ U∴ Liberty.—Equality.—Fraternity. Universal Freemasonry. Spanish Family.

The Resp∴ Log∴ Nilad, No. 144 of A∴ L∴ and A∴ masons of the Philippines regularly constituted in the Federation of the Gr∴ Or∴ Español (seat in Madrid).

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The letter goes on to speak of the new foundation and the number of initiations.

“It pleases us much,” says the Gr∴ Sec∴ “to see the activity and zeal which you employ in the labors, and for it we greet you. Nevertheless, we must remind you always of the greatest care in the election of the laborers. Not all men, although they profess [158]our ideas and doctrines, serve for good masons,…”

Morayta, writing on the 12th of June 1892 to bro∴ Panday Pira, says: “… But do not forget an advice which I believe Ruiz gave you also: be very careful; do not open your arms to any except they be of full confidence…. Remember that, even though things have changed there (in the Philippines) you run all the danger consequent upon the domination (sic) of the friar and of the General.” The general was Despujols, an upright, honest and sincere man who was too apt to measure other people’s corn by his own bushel. The filibusters took advantage of the fact, and by their lying protests of love for Spain, captivated him and fooled him out and out for a time.

Note 35. At that time liberty of association was not allowed by law in the Archipelago. To attain their ends this was the thing most necessary for the separatists. Without the shelter of the law of association nothing could be done except by stealth. It was for want of this privilege that the shelter of the masonic lodge room was sought.[159]

Note 36. Blumentritt, Fernando; of German race, Austrian by nationality, resident in Bohemia and therefore spoken of by various writers sometimes as a German, at others as a Bohemian or an Austrian. Like Foreman24, Blumentritt claimed to be a fervent [160]Catholic and yet was an open enemy of the Church. He claimed moreover to be a great friend of Spain and yet openly sided with her enemies. He was one of the collaborators of the La Solidaridad.

Isabelo de los Reyes writes of him: “The [161]savant (sic) Blumentritt the brother of the Filipinos, has always served us with disinterest (except in what concerned his pocket) and opportuneness. He was the first who did us justice by publishing many valuable articles to demonstrate, under all points of view, the superiority of the Filipino (Isabelo does not say over what) and defending our cause against the ambition of the imperialists (that is the Spaniards).”

Blumentritt was a member of the society known as the “Amigos del Pais”25, and remained so till his actions and writings caused well thinking Spaniards and Philippinos26 to call for his dismissal from its membership. The patriotic outcry against him caused him to resign on the 14th of November 1889; the Solidaridad of the 31st of December of the same year published his resignation. The press of Manila was exceptionally bitter against him and only such Filipinos as those who continue up to the present time forming part of the juntas in [162]Hong-Kong, Madrid, Paris, London and other places looked up to him for the assistance they could not find at home.

Note 37. It was naturally in the Peninsula where the chief work of the propaganda had to be carried on, and it was there also that the propaganda had the least effect. The principal instrument for the dissemination of the seed of separatist aspirations was the Solidaridad (See note 24). The Filipinos here, who gave their subscriptions and other sums of money for the support of the bi-monthly, were kept under the impression that the official organ was making a great noise in Madrid; but as it never reached the official world it was supposed to influence, its publication was practically useless. In the Philippines it served the same purpose as the La Independencia: that is, it served to keep alive the spirit of unrest, and by the lies it published, made the people believe that their leaders were going to lead them to a promised land which “flowed with milk and honey.” They eventually got into the promised land, only to find that the milk was very much “condensed”, and that the honey was only to be got after [163]those who secured it had been exposed to the very unpleasant operation of being stung by the bees which produced it.

Instead of serving to keep together the subjects and their rulers in a bond of peace and tranquility, and helping them to come to a mutual understanding, in which state the progress and advancement of the islands and their inhabitants could be the easier and the better accomplished, the separatist element, by their propaganda, caused more and more strife by attacking national institutions and by casting slurs upon national honor. The discontent stirred up against the Spanish authorities was identical to that which, until the passing of the law of sedition and even since that time, was stirred up against the American sovereignty. In its propaganda against the Religious Orders, inciting the native clergy against the lawful authority of their Bishops, it was the precursor of modern Manila’s American press. History tells us what was the result of the lessening of the moral influence of the Religious Orders in the days of Spanish rule, and to-day History repeats itself. The inciting of the native clergy against their Bishops is encouraging the natives, as a whole, to resist [164]lawful authority. The cry to-day is “down with the friar,” tomorrow it will be “down with the American.” In 1888 it was down with the Religious Orders, in 1896 it had become “death to all Spaniards”. In 1898 the American was blessed as a deliverer from oppression, in 1899 cursed as an intruder. To-day…? Who knows the opinion of the people? Who but a few ignorantes trust the great men of the late revolution?

In Spain the work of the separatists produced no effect upon the people; a few here and there of the least patriotic of the scum of Barcelona and Madrid aided them but apart from these and the Bible Societies, no one interested themselves in their cause.

Note 39. From the earliest to the latest days of the period of the revolt, that is from ’88 to ’98, this was one of the greatest obstacles to be overcome. Money was collected for propaganda in Spain and in Japan; what became of it all? Money was collected for the purpose of releasing or stealing away Rizal; what became of it? Funds were collected for the purchase of rifles and ammunition for the Katipunan, and, at the last moment, Andrés Bonifacio fled with [165]some 20,000 pesos. This continual squabble over the administration of the funds is a proof clear enough, of the existence of organized exploiters whose pockets were of more concern to them than were the interests of their country.

Note 40. It is almost needless to say that this latter was in the minority; later on Pilar suffered a marked change of temperament and became more decidedly separatist than Rizal. Rizal was willing to give the goose a chance to lay her golden eggs; Pilar becoming impatient killed the goose with the scheme of the Katipunan.

Note 41. “Previous to his return to Manila Rizal lived some time in Hong-Kong. From there he forwarded to Moises Salvador Francisco the statutes and instructions for the “Liga Filipina”.”—Testimony of the said Francisco. (fols. 1,138–1,143.)

Note 42. “It resulting that after some years of voluntary expatriation … a Spanish citizen (Rizal) born in the Philippines, directed a first letter, dated some months back in Hong-Kong, to the superior Authorities, [166]offering his aid and assistance for the better government and progress of the Philippines, at the same time in which his latest book commenced circulation, for which reason no reply was given; and in a second letter dated in the month of May, in which, recognizing the policy of generous attraction, of morality and justice here implanted … announced his intention of returning to his native soil to dispose, together with his friends, of the property they possessed, and to go with their families to found, in Borneo, a filipino agricultural colony under English protection….”

“A few days afterwards, the Spanish citizen … disembarked with his sister in Manila….” (See also note 8.) Extracts from the Decree of Deportation issued against Rizal by Governor Despujols, 7th July 1892.

Note 43. “In the year 1892, Rizal being in Manila, recently arrived from Europe, several people of the country were gathered together, among them Andrés Bonifacio, Numeriano Adriano, Timoteo Paez and Estanislao Legaspi, in a wooden house in calle Dulumbayan, were a society known as the “Liga Filipina” was founded.” Testimony [167]of Valentin Diaz, native of Panay, Ilocos Norte.

“In May or June 1892 José Rizal reached Manila; and encharged by him, Paez and Serrano invited a large number of persons to gather on a certain day … in the house of Doroteo Ongjungco where Rizal manifested to those present, among whom was the witness, that it was necessary to form an association which should be called the “Liga Filipina”, the object and of which should be the attainment of the separation of these islands from Spain.” Moises Salvador y Francisco (fols. 1,296–1,299).

“The reunion was called by Rizal, and the witness was invited by Timoteo Paez, who conducted him to the house of Doroteo Ongjungco…. That José Rizal addressed those present, manifesting the convenience of establishing an association under the name of the “Liga Filipina” with the object of collecting funds by different means, to the end of securing opportunely the independence of these islands”…. Testimony of Domingo Franco y Tuason (fols. 1299–1303).[168]

Note 44. It was not the aim which Rizal had in his mind, of delivering his country from disabilities but the manner in which he set to work to accomplish that end, to which objection must be raised. When a people suffer under the oppression of its rulers, all the world admires the man who rises to throw off the hateful yoke. But when the oppression is imaginary and when the so-called hero is but a marionette in the hands of political schemers who seek their own advantage under the shelter of a pretence to throw off a yoke which does not exist, one cannot admire the part played by the deluded “tool”. The emancipation from the mother-country was the key-note of the revolt. It was the aim of the Filipino freemasons, of the Liga Filipina, of the Compromisarios and of the Katipunan.

Note 45. Rizal was deported to Dapitan, in the island of Mindanao, by decree of Governor Despujols, part of which has been quoted in note 42. The decree goes on to say that, by reason of the fact that “the veil under which, up this present, he has succeeded in hiding his true intentions has been torn asunder,” … “that he adduces no [169]other defence but useless denials, having recourse to throwing the blame of the discovery of the leaflets upon his own sister (see page 99)….”

“In fulfillment of the high duties which devolve upon me as your General and Vice Royal Patron … I decree the following:…”

“1st: that José Rizal shall be deported to one of the islands of the south….”

“The responsibility of these vigorous measures which a painful duty imposes upon me, falls entirely upon those who by their imprudent aims and ungrateful proceedings come to disturb the paternal cares of this general government making the ordinate march of Philippine progress the more difficult.”27

“Manila, 7th July 1892.—Despujols.

Note 46. “In the month of April 1893, upon the initiative and invitation Juan Zulueta, now dead, and of Deodato Arellano, cousin of Marcelo del Pilar, a new gathering was called in the house of Deodato Arellano, with the object of establishing anew the Liga Filipina under the same bases and for the same ends….”[170]

Note 47. The determinate ends of the separatists have already been spoken of in note 3, which see.

Note 48. See note 102.

Note 49. “The object of the society (the Liga) is the establishment of shops, workshops, businesses, industries and even a bank if possible, with the end in view of collecting funds for an armed rising.”—Testimony of Juan Dizon Matanza, (fols. 1,132–1,138.)

Note 50. The ceremonies practiced by the Liga differed but little from those practiced by the Katipunan. The chief difference lay in the fact that the ceremonial of the Katipunan partook more of the grotesque, of the absurd, of paganism.

Pio Valenzuela in recounting the forms and ceremonies practiced upon his initiation, said:

“Once in the house28, they spoke of many things, en résumé, that the aim of [171]the association was to obtain the independence of the Philippines, oppressed and enslaved by the Spaniards. Placing, later on, a dagger at his breast, they obliged him to throw himself upon it, a thing which the witness could not pluck up courage enough to do; whereupon they placed it in his hand, leading him to a man whom he recognized to be seated, and ordered him (the witness) to strike him with the dagger, a thing which he dare not do either. He was then conducted into a room and addressed by a person he knew to be Bonifacio by the voice, who informed him that he could not retrace his steps because he knew of the existence of the society, but he could not assist at the juntas nor could they teach him the signs of recognition till he had been re-initiated; they moreover made him sign two sheets of blank paper, causing him to swear never to reveal the existence of the society to anyone, under the pain of assassination. They then removed the bandage which he was blindfolded and he saw around him eight or nine individuals dressed in cloaks and hoods; he signed the two sheets of paper and was again blindfolded and conducted to a considerable distance from the [172]house where the bandage was again removed.

Another member of the Katipunan in his declaration made on the 22nd of September 1896, stated that during the month of February 1893, one Sunday morning, a certain Estanislao Legaspi entered his store, telling him to accompany him in a calesa. He listened to tirades against the Spanish Government till their arrival at the house of a certain Tranquilino Torres, in calle Elcano. Here “his eyes were bandaged by Legaspi and he was handed over to the care of another individual who conducted him to the upper story of the house and made him sit down; he then heard a person whom he knew to be Legaspi by his voice speak, saying several things against the Spanish Government, demanding of him an oath of blind obedience, and a defense of the Philippines till the shedding of the last drop of his blood, threatening him with fearful punishments if he should turn traitor. This ceremony being terminated, his eyes were unbound and he saw, on a table, a skull which they made him kiss, and Legaspi handed him a lance commanding him to wound himself in the arm; but he felt a feeling of [173]faintheartedness come over him, and manifested to those present that he had not courage enough to wound himself and wished that the oath he had taken be enough; he was dispensed from the operation. When the bandage was removed the eight individuals composing the junta were masked with black hoods, but after he kissed the skull and attempted to wound himself they removed the hoods and he then recognized Estanislao Legaspi who presided, Mariano de Vera, Teodoro Plata and Juan de la Cruz who was a clerk of the Tabacalera, and who had led him upstairs; he did not know the other three. The witness paid two pesos as entrance fee promising to pay 50 cents monthly. He asked Legaspi what association it was, and he replied that it was the Liga Filipina.”

In the daily report of the secret police department made to General Blanco on the 30th of June 1896, is the following notice:

“Herewith is given translated most faithfully from Tagalog, the result of an interview held with a well-to-do indian who belonged to the most popular of the masonic lodges, who tried to draw into it a friend. Questioned upon certain affairs, he said: “In the masonic lodges of San Juan del Monte [174]and of Pandacan, the whole pueblo, rich and poor, is inscribed.”

“In the reunions the brethren attend blind-folded, and the chiefs with the face covered.”

“The person who desires to enter the lodge is obliged to have his face covered and his eyes bandaged in sign of blind obedience; the proofs are carried out and signature made as follows. The person receiving the initiated takes a dagger and gives it to him saying to him: do you swear to be steel like that which you hold in your hand and not to bend in the exigencies which oppress and vex us, and to labor in pro of the independence of your enslaved country? I swear answers the person to be initiated. Do you swear not to have father, mother, wife, child nor any relative but the revenging arm which shall sleep and live with you? I swear. They then surround him with arms of all classes and say to him: here is thy family, thy only work, and may it give thee thy life and open thy eyes for thy good of the country. They then make a small incision in the form of a cross in the right arm near the shoulder.”

“At present our meetings are held at night and in the most lonely fields, with [175]the object of not being surprised.”

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

“It is well known among us masons that Rizal is attributed with the faculty of being able to translate his person instantaneously from one point to another.”

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Note 51. Juan Castañeda testified on the 21st of September 1896 before the Chief Inspector of the Corps of Vigilance that “he was recommended to make the greatest amount of propaganda possible, of Japanese ideas in the pueblo of Imus.” The Japanese ideas here spoken of were those of the foundation of the Japanese protectorate.

Note 52. Money! money!! money!!! was the great cry in the majority of the masonic correspondence between the workers in Spain and those who had to supply the funds here. On the 8th of June 1892 Morayta wrote to bro∴ Panday-Pira informing him (a favorite custom of Morayta’s) that what was wanted was “money to invite journalists (to dine or take a drink) and to pay articles in the papers.” Morayta, probably with tears in his eyes, in ending his letter, heaves a [176]sigh, whilst his fingers itching for the touch of gold, nervously clutch the pen which scrawls these words: “if we only had here a good administrator with funds then you would see how we should advance!”

On the 22nd of June 1892 the secretary of the Gr∴ Or∴ Esp∴ wrote to the same explaining how “in a few meetings, a couple of banquets and a few presents made at the right time” much could be accomplished.

Note 53. Rizal had money troubles previously with Pilar in Madrid (see note 39). The excessive earnest and zeal displayed at the time of the foundation of the Liga by Rizal died away on his deportation. This zeal was owing to the captivating manner in which the founder demonstrated to his audience the brilliant future to be attained by such an undertaking. Rizal had the advantage of a ready oratory and like Bonifacio, drew his hearers to his cause in spite of themselves. And then again, the same as in masonry, the association was secret, and its true end and aim were but whispered; and whilst many of the associated were laboring to assist, as they thought, in the fomentation of the [177]culture and advancement of the country, they were in reality playing with the toy allotted to them by the society, whilst the chief members, those members best suited to be masons, as says the Gr∴ Sec∴ of the Gr∴ Or∴ Esp∴29, carried on the true work of the Liga. As in the lower degrees of any secret society, and of masonry in particular, the members are unaware of what is aimed at in the degrees to which they have not attained, to which all cannot attain, and the secrets of which are zealously guarded, so it was in the Liga.

Upon its re-establishment the Liga counted among its members several who aimed at the leadership. The absence of Rizal, deported to Dapitan, left open the door for unbridled ambition. Everyone wanted to be the head. This together with money troubles brought about considerable ill feeling between the absent founder and those continuing the work of the association. Rizal [178]had so far kept up a continual secret communication with the Liga, thanks to the liberty allowed him by his keepers in Mindanao, who guarded him with scandalous carelessness; and thanks also to the emissaries sent to him from Manila in search of instructions and advice. The result of the ill-feeling thus brought about was the rupture in official relations between the Liga and its founder.

Note 54. See note 39.

Note 55. One of the facts clearly developed in the trials of those suspected of treason, was that the guilty ones had taken the utmost care not to leave behind them traces of their work. This was principally the case with Rizal and the other chief workers of the revolt, and of those who formed the association of Compromisarios.

Note 56. Both Pedro and Francisco Roxas were honorary councillors of the Administration. On the 19th of September 1896 Blanco published the following decrees:

“In as much as Sr. D. Francisco Roxas, honorary councillor of the Administration [179]is found under process in the courts of law: in the use of the faculties in me invested, I decree that he cease from the exercise of his functions etc., etc.”

And on the 30th of September the following:

“In as much as the Excellent Sr. D. Pedro P. Roxas, honorary councillor of the Administration has been found under process in the courts of law, for rebellion; in the use of my faculties, etc., etc.”

Moises Salvador y Francisco testified (fols. 1138–1143) that “among the persons who sympathised with the cause and who aided it with their means for its realization, he remembered D. Pedro Roxas and D. Francisco Roxas … (and others); and there existed in the provinces others whose names he could not remember.”

Domingo Franco y Tuason testified on the 30th of September 1896 (fols. 1332–1337) that “in another of the several interviews he had with Francisco L. Roxas, he asked him if in the circle of his relations (with the association) he counted with persons who had offered to aid the objects and ends of the Liga. Sr. Roxas replied: Yes. And in proof thereof he drew from a drawer in his [180]desk a record which he read, and among the names he read the witness remembered those of don P. Roxas and others.”

When Francisco Roxas found himself in danger of arrest, he attempted to flee to Hong-Kong, but was captured on board the ship which was to carry him there. From the ship he was conducted under arrest to the Comendancia of the Veterana where he remained several days, at the end of which he was transferred to the Fort of Santiago.

Francisco was a millionaire who had received from Spain a name and reputation superior to his personal merits, and yet in spite of all that the mother-country had done for him in raising him up to a position to which he could never have attained without her aid, he was found to have placed himself in the vanguard of the bitterest enemies of his country. He was the director of the workings of separatism and was the chief provider of arms for the revolt, as was testified by innumerable witnesses.30[181]

On the eve of his execution for treason Francisco penned the following abjuration:

“I, Francisco L. Roxas, on the eve of my death, in reparation for what in my words and actions may have offended my neighbor; for warning of others of my person and in order to satisfy my conscience, to the end that no one, and especially my children, fall into the net of freemasonry, or of any other secret society, all of which I detest and curse, and be not in a day to come ungrateful sons of our Mother Spain, beg pardon for all my faults and bad example.”

“I die in the Holy Roman Catholic Apostolic faith in which I was born and educated in a christian manner. I admit all that she admits and condemn all that she condemns.”

“This I sign with my own hand with entire liberty.”

Jany. 10th 1897 in Manila, Royal Fort of Santiago.—F. L. Roxas:—Witnesses: Antonio Pardo and Felix García.

On January 11th Gov. Gen. Polavieja telegraphed to Madrid as follows:

“Sentenced by council of War, to-day there have been executed (shot) twelve persons [182]guilty of treason … among them Francisco Roxas, Councillor of Administration; Nijaga, Lieut. of native infantry; Villaroel, Villareal, Moises Salvador and others.”

Pedro Roxas was also a millionaire who inherited a good fortune, which, under the shelter of official protection multiplied considerably. Spain honored him with the grand cross of Isabela la Católica. Like Francisco he was a Councillor of Administration. He possessed a large estate in Nasugbu which, when the revolt broke out, became an insurgent hornet’s nest. There the rebels had a cannon, three falconettes and a large number of arms.

After having been deprived of his office by decree previously mentioned, Pedro Roxas secured in some way or other from Blanco, permission to go to Spain. On arrival at Singapore he landed and remained there. Later on he was defended in the Spanish Cortés by Sr. Romero Robledo31. In Manila, to those who could judge of the facts on the spot, this defence came as a thunderbolt. However, the Spanish paper El [183]Correo in the issue of August 15th said:

“The conduct of Sr. Roxas results satisfactorily cleared, so that no doubt remains in respect to his complete disconnection with the revolt.”

Among the separatist element Pedro Roxas was known as the Emperor Pedro I.

Note 57. Maximo M. A. Paterno was the father of the well known Pedro Paterno. Maximo was in his latter days the leading spirit of the celebrations held in honor of the amnesty proclaimed in 1900, by the late President McKinley. He died at the age of 76, just before the celebrations took place.

This amnesty celebration, like most things attempted by Filipinos alone, turned but a fiasco, the speeches which were to be delivered on the occasion not being in any way in keeping with the oath of allegiance taken by the speakers. The speeches contemplated were in advocation of practically the same thing as that for which the rebels had been keeping up an armed struggle, and so, when the U. S. Commission was invited by Pedro Paterno to be present thereat, it naturally was unable to accept the invitation.[184]

The whole celebration was an abortive attempt on the part of its organizers to antagonize the Military and Civil authorities. Mr. Taft, as president of the Commission, at first accepted the invitation extended, supposing the speeches to be given, had been censored by the proper authorities, at that time the military; but on finding that this was not so, he declined in the name of the other members of the Commission, and thus avoided the unpleasantness of being present at a banquet at which both the Military and the Civil authorities would be insulted and the Government of the U. S. defied.

On the 28th of July 1900, the day of the banquet, Mr. Taft on behalf of his fellow Commissioners, addressed a letter to Pedro Paterno on the subject. See Appendix J.

Pedro Paterno was one of those who for a considerable time refused to take the oath of allegiance; with him were others, Mabini in particular.

Maximo Paterno had received from Spain the Cross of Knight of the Royal and American Order of Isabela La Católica.[185]

Note 58. And others: Among the names mentioned in many of the documents I have consulted on the subject of the trials of those guilty of treason, I have frequently come across those of Linjap (Mariano), Chidian (Telesforo), Yangco (Luis R.), and others. Of this latter Domingo Franco was asked during his trial, if Luis R. Yangco had assisted at any reunion of the compromisarios, to which he replied that he (Yangco) had not assisted at any session (fols. 1381–1382).

As I have already remarked in another note, many of those charged with complicity in the affairs of the revolt were latter on proved to be innocent. That considerable number of the wealthy natives and half-castes sympathised more or less with the idea of greater liberality in government, is undoubtedly true, but that they extended their sympathies to the aims of the hordes of cut-throats led by Bonifacio is absurd.

The leading Filipinos and many insular Spaniards sighed for privileges which the Government of Madrid did not deem well to concede. To bring pressure upon the Government some of these combined to support in the metropolis, some of their number who [186]should keep up the work of agitation. This agitation however took a form displeasing to many, who thereupon ceased to lend it their aid and consent. But few of the leaders of the people, especially of the wealthy ones, desired to cut themselves adrift from Spain, and not till a few insignificant beings such as Aguinaldo, Bonifacio, Mabini, and Pilar (Pio del) and Buencamino came upon the scene did the idea of independence of the island really take form. A faint idea of such a thing as independence did exist formerly, but the enlightened Filipinos saw, only too clearly, the probable result.

The wealthy proprietors here cited, no doubt sympathised more or less with the Liga Filipina in its beginning, whilst it was under the complete control of its founder Rizal; but as the Liga lost the character given to it by Rizal, and underwent the change it did, it is only natural to suppose that many of its former supporters left it as they would a sinking ship. However the fact that they were identified with the original Liga seems to have been taken as a proof of their connection with the revolt. This is certainly the opinion expressed by Sr. Diaz.[187]

Note 59. Mactan is the name of the island upon which Magallanes, the famous explorer, met his death at the hands of the savage hordes who at that time peopled the land. Names of places and persons associated with the disasters suffered by Spain, were greatly admired among the separatists. Surely Mactan, an island peopled by savages at the time of its chief notoriety, and Mayon, the site of a destructive volcano, are very suitable names to give to such centers as were the popular councils of Trozo and Sta. Cruz.

Note 60. On the 30th of August 1895, the Civil Governor of Batangas asked of the commander of the Guardia Civil of Lemery, information concerning “persons in the pueblo of Taal who were distinguished for their separatists opinions”. The said commander replied that a report on all such persons would be unending, and proceeded to cite the case of Felipe Agoncillo to personify the said separatist element, as follows:

“Among the group of the chief ones and as chief of them, stands Felipe Agoncillo, proprietor and lawyer.” He then goes on to explain how Agoncillo imposed his will upon [188]every one in the pueblo, even upon the Municipality, no law or regulation sent even by the highest authorities going into force until it had been passed upon by him. “It would be difficult,” says he, “for me to collect any perfect proof of his anti-Spanish tendencies which are, however, self-evident to the Spanish element of this province.” This report, which was a sufficient warning of danger, was sent to the Gov. of Batangas on the 18th of September 1895. He immediately forwarded it to Gen. Blanco. About three months afterwards Blanco looked into the matter, circumstances demanding that some steps should be taken to preserve national honor; and he decided to deport six of the separatists as an example to the remainder. Of these six one was Agoncillo. This industrious filibuster had influential and watchful friends in Manila, who, upon seeing the turn things were taking, telegraphed him “Café en baja; fuera existencias.” This was warning sufficient and Agoncillo accompanied by Ramon Atienza succeeded in escaping.

On the 14th of April the Japanese Mail Steamer Hiorine left Manila. On this steamer Agoncillo fled, hidden it is said, in a coal [189]bunk. The Heraldo de Madrid of the 16th of September 1896, in speaking of the affair says: “Agoncillo gave the captain of the ship the sum of 350 pesos as gratification and on this account had placed at his disposal upon arrival at Kobe, a ship’s boat, whilst the remaining passengers had to hire their transportation.”

On the 2nd of May 1896, the secret police of Manila reported to Gen. Blanco, as follows:

“Notice is hereby given of the sailing for Japan of Felipe Agoncillo, property-owner of the province of Batangas, who goes to put himself at the disposition of the junta magna (in Japan), carrying with him some 80,000 pesos collected in Lipa, Taal and other pueblos, for the sustainment of anti-Spanish propaganda.”

Like most of the leaders of the separatist campaign, Agoncillo was astute. He partook of that peculiar trait of the native character: a sharpness of perception, a cuteness which one not acquainted with the indian would take for intelligence. An Indian will often do something remarkable, but in spite of its appearance of being an extraordinary action, a result of a well thought [190]out plan, it proceeds in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, from instinct rather from intelligence. Native peoples are more accustomed to use their common-sense than most of us and hence arises the fact, that frequently the Filipino has outwitted both the military and the civil authorities. England learned this lesson in dealing with the Oriental in India, Spain learned it here, and America has yet to discover the same truth.

Mr. Wildman32, the late U. S. Consul at Hong-Kong, once affirmed of Agoncillo, “Sr. Agoncillo is a very intelligent and daring diplomat (the Government later on found him to be far more daring than intelligent), and could fill the position of chief of any department of State in any civilized country.” But then, it was nothing strange for Wildman to make such breaks![191]

Note 61. Among these honorable exceptions which Sr. Diaz says he has great pleasure in recognizing, might be mentioned several who were falsely accused and whose names have gone down to the reading public in the works of various writers who wrote in good faith, branded with the mark of ingratitude which characterized and still characterizes so many natives and half-castes.

It gives a careful student of the subject more than passing pleasure to be able to give the lie to those who in their testimony classified as members of the infernal plot to “cut the throats of every Spaniard, without regard even to parentage”, the names [192]of some of the most prominent Filipinos of to-day, men who although they have not grovelled in the dust before the conqueror and accepted positions under the new Government, are more truly prominent than those who assert themselves as the “leaders” of the people.

Among these honorable exceptions there were many who although they came to form part of the so-called Revolutionary Government, did so only when Spanish rule had ceased to exist, and when the accepted opinion was that a government elected by the people would be recognized by the U. S. These, however, were never traitors to the mother country; they were men who treated Spain as every honorable man should treat his country. These were not men who changed their religion as they changed their clothes: to suit the occasion. They were not men who concealed their titles to freemason degrees, at the bottom of their trunks, and exposed them with pride upon the change of sovereignty. These men were never perjurers, never traitors. Born and raised in the bosom of the Catholic faith they remained faithful to it, and faithful to the traditions of the country which gave [193]them their political being; and it is with great pleasure that, with Sr. Diaz, I also can say, that I have great pleasure in recognizing these honorable exceptions, and in proof thereof have I dedicated this small historical sketch to them.

Note 62. Day by day the morality in the administration of the funds became worse, and so intense did the ill-feeling engendered by pride become, that the members forgot all about the fomentation of the culture and advancement of the country. Like a nursery full of willful children, they all wanted their own way, and when they could not have it, some cried: “now I shan’t play,” “now I’ll go and tell ma;” this perhaps was the chief cause of the dissolution of the association, for some did go and tell “ma;” and the wealthy members, and those who had anything to lose, were immediately overcome with abject fear lest “ma” should punish them with a good spanking.

“In the month of October 1893, the Superior Council becoming aware that some documents pertaining, to the Liga had been handed over to the offices of the General Government, the dissolution of the society [194]was determined.”—Testimony of Domingo Franco y Tuason. (fols. 1,299–1,303).

On the 25th of May 1896, notice was given by the secret police to Governor General Blanco, as follows:

“Notice is herewith given of the existence in Manila, of a Society named La Liga Filipina, to which are affiliated a large number of individuals….”

Note 63. The testimony given by many of the political prisoners as to the foundation, aims and work of the Compromisarios is somewhat conflicting. For instance: Antonio Salazar, (fols. 1,008–1,013) testified that on account of the mal-administration of the funds, “the subscription on behalf of La Propaganda ceased, and under the name of Compromisarios was founded an association composed of … (here follow names of members), and seeing that they could not gather sufficient funds, they agreed to increase the subscription and seek persons to associate with them.”

On another occasion the same witness testified (fols. 1,014–1,018) that certain persons whom he named were the “Compromisarios, who were in communion with Marcelo [195](del Pilar), and who remitted money to him.” He also stated that “on account of the bad conduct observed in Madrid by Pilar, … some of the Compromisarios refused to send him resources.”

In reply to a question as to the relationship between the Compromisarios and the Katipunan, he gave as his opinion, that “there could be no doubt that both societies aimed at the same end.” At fols. 1118–1129 the same witness affirmed that “as the partisans of Rizal and Pilar … saw that neither masonry nor the Liga could hope for funds33, they formed the society of Compromisarios among wealthy persons of Manila and the Provinces.”

Domingo Franco affirmed that the outbreak of the revolt came as a great surprise to the Compromisarios.

As to the aims of the society, Moisés Salvador y Francisco is authority for the statement that: “in one of the juntas they treated of the provision of arms and other material of war; and it was agreed, moreover, [196]to gather funds for the said expenses, and as the junta replied that it was impossible at that time, a committee was appointed, composed of José Ramos, Doroteo Cortés and Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, to draw up a petition for the aid of Japan.”

Moisés also affirmed (fols. 1,296–1,299) that the Supreme Council of the Compromisarios was formed as follows:

President Domingo Franco. Secretary Apolinario Mabini. Treasurer Bonifacio Arévalo. Vocales Numeriano Adriano. Ambrosio Bautista. Moisés Salvador. Domingo Franco (fol. 1,299–1,303) testified that upon the dissolution of the Liga, and in the month of October 1894, there gathered together in a house of the witness, Numeriano Adriano, Apolinario Mabini, Isidoro Francisco, Deodato Arellano and the witness, and it was decided to constitute the association known as the Compromisarios, endeavouring to gather as many as forty members, each paying a monthly subscription [197]of 5 pesos, for the sustainment of the La Solidaridad.

The same witness also testified (fols. 1,332–1,337) that “The Liga and the Katipunan were constituted in three groups, viz.: the Supreme Council or the aristocracy, under the presidency of Francisco L. Roxas; the Compromisarios or middle classes, divided into juntas or local councils…. The third aggregation was the Katipunan under the presidency of Andrés Bonifacio, and was composed of the lower classes.

From all this we gather that the association of Compromisarios was founded with the idea of collecting funds to continue the work commenced by masonry and the Liga. The association was, practically, a committee formed to take up the work of the Liga, but formed in such a manner as to avoid suspicion, and all compromise with the late Liga. In its formation, its duties and its methods, it differed from both the Liga and from the Katipunan, but whilst differing from them it formed a tie between them, carrying on a work which the Katipunan could not carry on of itself. The Liga died; and its mantle fell upon the Compromisarios. This society inspired, [198]watched over and protected the labor of its successor, the Katipunan, the fighting machine of the separatist or filibuster element.

Note 64. The idea which appeared to pervade the minds of the so-called progressive Filipinos was that with a code of laws á la Europea, the adoption of some or other new fangled idea imported from France, Germany or anywhere but the Peninsular, the Filipino would immediately attain the advancement and culture enjoyed among the Japanese. To anyone not acquainted with either the Filipino or the Japanese, such an idea might be acceptable; but no student of Oriental races, nor even the mere casual observer of these two peoples, would venture to predict than even with all the advantages of modernism the Filipino now enjoys, will he, as a people, attain to such a state of culture as that enjoyed by the sons of the Empire of the Rising Sun even in a hundred years.

Among the European peoples the progress of civilization and regeneration was slow but it was none the less decisive. Among Orientals it is, as a rule, quick but not lasting. Among almost all Oriental peoples [199]the rising generation is bright and gives signs of great possibilities; but these youths after having passed with honors through college and university, too often end their lives as they began them—as children. What the Oriental lacks is stability. Nothing is more common in the Philippines than to find that your cook or coachman has completed four-fifths of his studies as lawyer, doctor or something else. The Filipino who has reached the age of thirty and has not, in these days, been bata34 in a convent or with a private family, been cochero, cook, collector of accounts for some business house, letter-carrier, postman, policeman, musician in a church choir, fireman, and connected with a few other employments of more or less importance, is by no means a rara avis, to say nothing of the many who have also been majors and generals in the insurgent “army”, and without stopping to consider a pair of very prominent natives who from batas in the University of Sto. Tomás [200]have, after a series of political intrigues, risen to positions of law-tinkers over a people, the vast majority of whom hate and despise them.

As a matter of fact the very best of the filipino politicians and other local men of fame, bright, learned and progressive though they be, would count but little side by side with the foremost sons of the Flowery Kingdom. To find in Yokohama, or even in Nagasaki or Kobe, or any other city of Japan, a hundred Rizals, a hundred Pilars (Marcelos, Pios or Gregorios), a hundred Apacibles, or Mabinis, or Aguinaldos, or Buencaminos or Taveras would be an easy task. But to find in the Philippines a Marquis Ito, a Mutsu, a Yamata or a Matsugata,—that is the question.

And why? Because at the time when Spain discovered these islands, finding the people in a state of social and moral degradation, without formal government or any social organization beyond the tribal system (and that but limited) common to almost all savage peoples, the Japanese had already counted with more than 1000 years of more or less stable government, always organized, and with a social organization [201]and a firm national unity. The people of Japan, at that time, cultivated the arts and sciences, enjoyed the fruits of prosperous industries and of external commerce. They had a religion and a language which could be written and understood when written. Three hundred years ago, when the Filipinos were just commencing to learn the difference between man and beast, the Japanese was enjoying a relative civilization not yet attained by the Chinese, much less by the partisans of the separatist leaders of Luzon and the Visayas.

No country has ever done for her colonial children what Spain did for the Filipinos during the three centuries she held control over the Archipelago; and yet how far are the people from the state of culture of the Japanese! Well might the leaders of the people look to Japan as a model!

Note 65. Domingo Franco (fols. 1,332–1,337) testified that on a certain day “he went to see Francisco L. Roxas and asked him if it were certain that he had been to the house of Cortés, and had arranged matters in respect to the Commission which should go to Japan; to which Sr. Roxas [202]replied, yes; and that it was agreed that Cortés should go, commissioned to ask of the Japanese Government, help and protection for these islands, (the Filipino Government) handing over as a guarantee, one of the islands near Luzón, which the witness believed to be Mindoro on account of its large size and small population.

“Antonio Salazar (fol. 1,118–1,129) stated that “of the junta of compromisarios there formed part: Cortés, Español and Ramos, who were then in Japan petitioning that Empire to aid them with arms, ships and money….”

Isabelo de los Reyes, in telling the Governor General, Primo de Rivera, what he affirmed to be the truth of the situation in 1897, stated that “the Filipino burguesses had nominated a commission composed of Doroteo Cortés, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, José A. Ramos and Marcelo H. del Pilar, the latter of whom died in Barcelona whilst on his way to Japan. This commission had for its object the securing of the protection of that empire; Cortés, as president, gathered funds to sustain Ramos and Isabelo Artacho Vicos, who were his agents in that country.”[203]

Note 66. Antonio Salazar (fols. 1,008–1,013) testified that “The year previous he met Timoteo Paez in Calle Echague, and enquired of him if he had moved his residence to Quiapo; Paez replied that he had transferred the members of his family to a house of strong materials, not wishing to leave them in a nipa35 house in Tondo, as he was going to Singapore, and after encharging the witness to preserve secrecy, told him that he was going there to engage a steamer which was to make a trip to Dapitan to steal away Rizal from that place; moreover that the date upon which Paez went to Singapore might be known by enquiring at the house of Echeita and Co., where the said Paez was engaged, and which conceded him permission to go.”

On another occasion this same individual testified (fols. 1,118–1,129) that “the Compromisarios agreed to employ the sum (of money gathered for another purpose) for the purpose of aiding the stealing away of [204]the person of Rizal from Dapitan, for which purpose they sent it (the money) to Timoteo Paez, at Singapore that he might engage a steamer which should go to Dapitan; and as they could not realize the undertaking, they sent the money to José Baza who lived in Hong-Kong, and Baza sent the money to Sandakan (in Borneo) so that a ship might be engaged there for the purpose.

On the 13th of January 1895, the Gr∴ Pres∴ of the Gr∴ Cons∴ Reg∴, bro∴ Musa, gr∴ 18, wrote to the lodge Modestia, as follows:

“A∴ L∴ G∴ D∴ G∴ A∴ D∴ U∴

A la Resp∴ Log∴ Modestia No. 199.

S∴ F∴ U∴

Ven∴ Maes∴ Pres∴

“Our very beloved bro∴ Dimas-Alang (José Rizal, see foot-note, page 47), who for some time has been, as you know, expiating in Dapitan, faults he has not committed36, [205]is authorized to change his residence, under the condition that it be in some part of Spain and not in the Archipelago.”

“Together with this notice we have received another that the said bro∴ lacks absolutely the resources for such a long voyage … etc.”

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

“In virtue of this, I write to you that, bearing in mind what I have explained, you may arrange to be collected from the members, the pecuniary aid they wish and are able to contribute for the meritorious work in question.”

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The Gr∴ Pres∴, Muza.

José Dison Matanza testified (fols. 1,132–1,138) that “the Secret Camara of the Katipunan gathered together and decided upon another plan, which was, as Bonifacio told the witness, to embark a large number of people as passengers on a ship which was to go to Dapitan; and these when they were upon the high seas, were to surprise the crew and take possession of the ship; they should then steal away Rizal from Dapitan and take him wherever they could.”[206]

Note 67. If elsewhere in the history of the workings of separatism in the Philippines, proof were wanting of the cruel deceit practiced by the filibuster leaders upon the ignorants who formed the mass of the secret associations of masonic origin, here in this instance it would be found in abundance. Taking the whole question of the part played by Japan or by individual Japanese in the separatist movement from beginning to end I am strongly of the opinion that the supposed assistance, whether in the form of arms and ammunition, or in that of financial or moral support was a deliberate imposture, and that those credulous persons who contributed with their hard-earned money towards the sums said to have been utilized for propaganda in Japan, were defrauded, not only out of the money they gave to the funds, but also of what they might legitimately hope for as a result of the expenditure of the said funds. It is a well known fact that the hopes of the people were kept up by many statements which were absolutely unfounded37; [207]the assertions of Cortés, Ramos and others who performed the duties of the embassy to Japan, were most probably of this nature.

The person who, during the trials of those accused of treason, gave the most interesting testimony relative to this matter, was Juan Castañeda. He affirmed that “on account of family troubles, and for questions arising from losses at gambling, and in view of his having robbed his mother, he decided to leave for Hong-Kong, embarking on the SS. Esmeralda, on the 31st of July 1895”38. He went on to describe how he there [208]met his friend, the native ex-priest Severo Buenaventura; how the said Buenaventura initiated him into the secrets of freemasonry, and how this native ex-priest had been himself initiated by Ambrosio Flores39. That they later on decided to go to Japan sailing on the SS. Natal. That on their arrival at Yokohama they lodged at the house of José Ramos, where there also lived Artacho. “During the first days of their stay Ramos and Artacho seemed to look upon them with want of confidence, and hid from them their conversations.” He affirmed also that among the visitors to the house of Ramos were a Mr. Hirata, a professor of law, intermediary between Ramos [209]and Prince Konoy, resident in Tokyo, and also, a Mr. Yósida, merchant. He stated also that “to excuse their frequent absence, Ramos and Artacho assured him that they had been to Tokyo to interview the dignitaries of the Empire, Prince Konoy, General Yamagata and the count of Tokogana, one of the ministers who had been Japanese ambassador to the court of Italy. Ramos assured them that, with these Japanese politicians they were arranging the securing of the independence of the Philippines, to which end the Japanese offered to land here 100,000 rifles with their ammunition, the cost of which should be paid for in a fixed number of years … etc., etc.”

Isabelo de los Reyes40 says on this point:

“According to what is said, Ramos interviewed, on several occasions, Prince Konoy, General Yamagata and the Count of Tokogana, who was then a minister. These gentlemen, it seems, were sympathizers [210]with the idea of our independence under the protectorate of Japan, as in Korea, and that they proposed, as a means of gaining it, the fomentation of Japanese immigration in the Philippines, and that when once this was attained, the seeking of a conflict with Spain.”

Further on he states that: “Some days before the insurrection broke out, Isabelo Artacho brought me a letter from José A. Ramos, in which he gave me an account of the efforts they were exerting to influence the leading politicians of Japan, to the end that they should aid us to secure our independence. Artacho told me verbally the details and that he knew that the liberal party of Japan, which then was the opposition, sympathized with the idea, and proposed as a means of attaining it, the seeking of a cause of conflict with Spain, introducing Japanese emigrants to that end.”

Moisés Salvador (fols. 1,138–1,143) stated that according to letters received by Bonifacio Arévalo from Cortés and Ramos, these two had been received by the Japanese minister of foreign affairs, to whom they expounded the object of their journey; and as the minister asked them what money they [211]had to cover the expenses of the enterprise, they replied that they would pay their way with the money they should seize, pertaining to the Religions Orders and to the Treasury41; and being satisfied, the Japanese minister told them they might prepare themselves, for he would send them arms in June or July, to the coast of Luzon, to be disembarked near the island of Polillo….”

That the separatists hoped for, and aimed to secure the aid of Japan is certain; many testified to the fact; but this testimony was more or less hearsay. Certain leading separatists went to Japan to concoct the scheme and were, no doubt, listened to by some more or less prominent persons. This is all the more probable when we remember that the credentials carried by the Commission took the form of a petition signed by some 22,000 Filipinos, that is, it bore that number of signatures.42[212]

The work of propaganda carried on by certain Filipinos cannot be called into question; but what is very uncertain is whether or not the Japanese extended the wished and hoped for assistance. To be received in interview, and to be heard with attention, are two very different things. A father listens to the idle prattle of his child, but the childish words leave no other impression on his mind than their cuteness merits at the time. This is probably what occurred between Cortes and Ramos and the so-called “official” element of Japan.

Notes 68 and 69. Pio Valenzuela testified (fols. 582–605) that “in the month of May, a student of Law Daniel Aria y Tirona, came to his house and invited him to go to salute the commander of the Japanese cruiser [213]the Kongo43. That at an hour fixed, there gathered at the Bazar44, with the witness, Andrés Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto, José Dizon and others, who were received by the commander of the cruiser with an air of indifference, and of apparent ridicule…. Bonifacio saluted and welcomed him to the islands, offering his services. The commander replied, thanking them and inviting them to take a voyage to Japan to visit the towns of that country, and enjoy its beautiful climate. Later on they directed a letter to the Commander, Jacinto drawing it up and Bonifacio, Dizon and himself and others signing it; its text was a salutation to the Emperor and Empress of Japan, and a manifestation of a desire to form a part of the said Empire, etc…. With the letter were presented twelve water-melons45 sent by Emilio Aguinaldo, capitan municipal of Cavite Viejo, and a quantity of mangoes purchased by Cipriano Pacheco, and also a picture.”

José Dizón Matanza questioned on the [214]same subject, affirmed (fols. 1,132–1,138) that he was invited to the “Bazar Japonés,” to salute and welcome the commander of the cruiser (Kongo)…. When he arrived they gave him iced water…. About an hour afterwards there arrived an officer of the ship who said he was the doctor, and soon after the commander arrived; all saluted him…. On the evening of the same day Bonifacio, Valenzuela and the witness went to Nagtajan to the house where lived the Japanese who kept the Bazar…. Bonifacio told them they had a letter to give them. Three or four days later on, Valenzuela presented himself at the house of the witness with a letter in Tagalo which read more or less as follows: (here follows what the witness remembered of the letter.) Bonifacio signed it as president of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan, Jacinto as secretary, Valenzuela as Fiscal and the witness with the name of José Talin…. After the departure of the Commander, the witness enquired of Bonifacio what result the letter had obtained, Andrés replying that the Commander had taken a copy of it, returning [215]the original, because the persons signing it were not representative; but that the said officer was very pleased with the pictures given in the name of the Katipunan, and with the melons and mangoes sent from Cavite.”

Isabelo de los Reyes affirms that: “When the Japanese cruiser Kongo visited the port of Manila in May 1896, the Supreme Council of the Katipunan went to salute its commander in the upstairs of the Bazar Japonés, situated in the plaza del Padre Moraga, and handed him a manuscript setting forth their desire for the aid and assistance of Japan towards the gaining of independence for the Philippines. They also offered him a picture and some native fruits.”

“The commander received them well and even regaled them with iced drinks and coffee, but did not dare to accept the document, limiting himself to the taking of a copy of it and promising to transmit their desires to the Emperor; he also invited them to make a voyage to his country. Nothing has since been heard of the commander.”

So much for the testimony given concerning the Kongo and its commander.

Information I have obtained from Japanese [216]semi-official sources on this point, shows that the Kongo steamed into Manila bay in 1896 in the same manner as it did recently, on a non-official visit. As was customary, the Japanese Commander and other officers visited the Japanese Bazaar in Plaza Moraga as well as other Japanese business houses. The Bazar Japonés was a center to which friends and acquaintances gathered to salute the visiting officers. Upstairs were prepared iced drinks, etc. for those who cared to take them. Bonifacio and others, uninvited, walked in and presented themselves and their petition and offerings. The latter the commander accepted; the petition he did not accept: in this he showed good sense. As to the supposed copy which he promised to take, evidence goes to show that it was not taken, but that the said commander merely made a few notes of it on a scrap of paper. The proprietors of the Bazar ridicule the idea that the commander favored the petition or received the so-called commission with pleasure; their opinion is that to which any investigator of the affair would come, that the Commander was a gentleman and did not wish to hurt the feelings, by his refusal, of even such ignorantes as those who [217]at that time forced themselves upon him.

Note 70. The idea that the Liga was but an introduction to the Katipunan is not borne out by the facts of the case. The Liga Filipina was a foundation of Rizal, whilst the Katipunan was a conception of Pilar who, finding Rizal was carrying all before him, determined not to be out-done by his former companion. The very fact of the enmity existing between the two leaders is proof enough that the two societies were not one and the same thing, although after their foundation they walked arm in arm. The Liga, as an association, was eventually dissolved, and from it was formed the Compromisarios (see note 63) and this body continued its functions till the outbreak of the revolt. The vicissitudes of the Liga did not lessen Rizal’s influence. Ever ready to tell a lie or act one if it were to his own advantage, Rizal permitted the free use of his name in connection with the Katipunan also. To the vast majority of the oath-bound, the Katipunan was but the Liga under another form; and in order that the people should not know of the rivalry existing between himself and Pilar, Rizal [218]gave no signs of disfavor towards the foundation of the new society; in fact he rather favored it, seeing that under the circumstances it would make him figure as its “hero,” and he would thus be enabled to take the wind out of Pilar’s sails. The only objection raised by Rizal to the work of the Katipunan, was that which he made to Valenzuela: that the time had not yet come for armed rebellion.

As long as he held supreme influence Rizal was satisfied; but as the separatist element was becoming weary at the long absence of its “Moses” and had begun to worship the “calf” (not a golden one, by the way) “Moses” got angry and threw down, in disgust, the “tables of the law.”

In its beginning, Rizal was the idol of the Katipunan, in the same way as Morayta (note 13) was the idol of the rebellious Filipinos in Madrid, and others parts of the Peninsular. Isabelo de los Reyes46 would have us believe that the foundation of the Katipunan was a result of the indignation of the people, consequent upon the deportation of Rizal. This, in the face [219]of facts, is a very poor argument and demonstrates either the ignorance or the bad faith of Reyes. And he himself contradicts it a few lines further on by saying “that without knowing Rizal, the Katipunan acclaimed him its honorary President.” This latter they certainly did but not “without knowing” him. They did so because they knew nothing of his disagreement with Pilar, the real founder of their society, and because the aim of the two societies was practically one.

Note 71. The similarity of character between the Liga and the Katipunan has always been a matter of discussion. Some writers would draw a hard and fast line between the two, considering them as oil and water, two bodies enemies one of the other; others looking upon them as two oils, the one vegetable and the other mineral which, although differing in nature, mix together thoroughly.

Reyes, in his oft-quoted “Memoria” to the then Gov. General, Primo de Rivera, in a mad attempt to prove that the insurrection was owing to the “friars” and that they attempted to invent the Katipunan plot to cover up their treason, says:[220]

“Above all, the friars committed the criminal and suicidal infamy of calumniously including in the Katipunan the millionaire and aristocratic element, and the middle classes, the fact being that they had nothing in common with the plebeian association which they not only despised for its low condition, but which the few who knew of its existence must have hated, if not for egotism, for the socialistic tendencies of the said group.”

Such assertions scarcely deserve comment, for from beginning to end, the proceedings against the separatists were in the hands of the civil authorities, the members of the Religious Orders having no influence whatever in the matter, although it was they who, by their watchfulness over the interests of the country had detected symptoms which they, as true patriots, made known to the civil authorities. True it is also that a friar, Padre Mariano Gil, made known, at a critical moment, the plot of the diabolical society, in time to prevent the bloodthirsty fiends rising in a night and cutting the throats of those who had been their benefactors; but the “friar” was never a secret service agent of the Government. [221]What he did was what every patriotic Spaniard would have done under the circumstances. It was the civil authorities who, upon the discovery of the plot, caused the arrest of those complicated, and who tried and passed judgement upon the guilty. If millionaires and others were counted among the members of the Katipunan it was because they were guilty of the same treason as the katipuneros and not because they were “included” by the “friar”.

“… Association which they not only despised for its low condition, but which the few who knew of its existence must have hated, if not for egotism, for the socialistic tendencies of the said group.”

So says Isabelo de los Reyes, the founder of the late Filipino Democratic Party, and the Workman’s Democratic Union, the most socialist movement in the history of the Philippines. So much for the Liberty, Equality and Fraternity which they all professed.

Another writer, C. de Valdez, a nom-de-plume under which I recognize as hidden one whose knowledge on this subject was very extensive, who for the study of the [222]question had at his disposition innumerable documents of vital importance, gives as his opinion: “It has been said that the Liga was a society into the which there entered only elements of a certain culture, and the people of money; whilst the Katipunan was formed for the poor and laboring classes. If by this it is intended to signify that they were two close societies, the one which should comprehend what we might call the aristocracy and the other the common people, we cannot agree with the opinion, because it is in contradiction with the facts. There existed a free communication between both societies and the prominent personages of the Liga mixed with the humble ones of the Katipunan, taking active part in the labors and forming part of the reunions and assemblies47; [223]in the same way the individuals of common class entered the files of the Liga without any distinction of class being drawn between them.”

The writer goes on to show that the three main things needed for the Revolution were 1st: an active propaganda of separatist ideas; 2nd: funds to cover expenses and to purchase arms, and 3rd: a considerable number of persons ready to take up arms in the field. The first two of these main things were to be attended to by the Liga and the third by the Katipunan.

“In the greatest utility in attaining the ultimate end of the initiators and directors of the conspiracy, must be sought the distinction between the Liga and the Katipunan, and the difference which the one or the other society enjoyed.”

“In all other things, both societies, or both organisms of the same society, co-exist, and display their activity jointly, the campaign of the Katipunan or that of the Liga being the most active; according as the necessities with which the one or the other were preferentially encharged to satisfy the final triumph of the revolt, might be of the greatest urgency or immediate utility.”[224]

The fact is that the Liga and the Katipunan were the distinct foundations of two personal enemies, both of whom wished to hold for himself the position of supreme chief of the movement. (See note 70).

D. Manuel Luengo, Civil Governor of Manila, in a report to the Minister of Foreign affairs, speaking on the subject of the Katipunan, says:

“To carry to a head their fearful and criminal idea, they found it necessary to recruit many people of all classes and from all the provinces, seeking a useful means to facilitate the conjuration. And the indian being by reason of his ignorance and his barbarianism, like all peoples of his kind, easily fanaticised, they set to work to fanaticise the masses, these hordes of childish people, these ignorant laborers; and they fanaticised them by means of the pacto-de-sangre, making them swear war to the death to Spaniards, practicing an incision in the left arm, and with the blood which flowed from the wound made them sign their frightful oath.”

Katipunan Apron. “The masonic attributes discovered, and the “apron”48 upon which appeared the [225]head of a Spaniard suspended by the hair, by the hand of a criminal indian, whilst with the other hand a dagger was plunged into the throat, evidenced, in a notorious manner, that this Society was found well provided with masonic rites.”

Note 72. Deodato Arellano, Bonifacio, Dina and Plata, it will be remembered, were energetic workers of the Liga. They had entered into the scheme of Rizal’s association before Pilar’s idea of a similar society had become known. Two months or so after the foundation of the Liga, at the time when its founder was deported to Dapitan, it was decided to take up Pilar’s project and see what could be done towards carrying it to a successful issue.

José Dizon y Matanza (fols. 1,129–1,131) testified that “on the same day in which General Despujols ordered the publication in the Gaceta of the deportation of Rizal, there gathered in a house in calle Ilaya, Bonifacio, Arellano, Valentin Diaz, Teodoro Plata, Dina and the witness; and they agreed to form a society to be known as the Katipunan, the object and ends of which were to be filibusterism, or, in other words, the [226]liberty of the country from Spanish rule; the six persons present immediately proceeded to perform upon themselves the incision of the pacto-de-sangre, signing with their own blood a blank paper, placing after the signature, the symbolic name each chose for himself. They then drew up the programme of the Society. This programme was composed of 6 articles, viz.: 1st: to constitute a secret society known as the Katipunan; 2nd: that the organization was to be by triangles, to the end that no more than three members should know one another; 3rd: that the initiated should pay one real entrance fee, and a half real as a monthly subscription; 4th: that as the number of the members increased they should found one or more balang̃ay in each district; 5th: to try to gather funds to carry out the purposes of the society; 6th: that when the opportunity occurred they should reform these articles.

They also agreed upon the form of oath which should be taken by the initiated, which was to promise to shed even the last drop of blood for the liberty of the Philippines.

The Katipunan was founded upon masonic usage adapted to the character of the association. [227]Its formation was one of triangles, each new Katipunero being bound to attract to the association, two others to occupy the opposite angles. This formation was eventually changed on account of the extent to which the society extended, its management becoming very difficult. The particular triangles were broken up and the association formed in three degrees. The first degree was composed of the recently initiated members. These each possessed a mask and some form of arm, either fire-arm or bolo, the cost of which was borne by the member possessing it. The members who enjoyed the second degree also possessed masks and wore as a regalia a ribbon to which was attached a medal bearing a letter (equivalent to K) of the old-time form of script of the pre-Spanish filipino; also a sword and banner crossed.

The third degree members possessed red masks, the color being distinctive of the degree, in the same way as the color of the second degree was green, and that of first, black. These colors were symbolic: green signified hope, and red, war. Black was but a general color common to bandits all the world over. The masks of the third degree [228]bore a triangle with three K’s in the upper part, in the ancient Filipino script, and at the base the letters Z∴ Ll∴ B∴ (see at commencement of book). The inferior inscription signified “sons of the people.”

Each degree had its pass words and the members only knew those of their own degree.

This was the latter form of the Katipunan in which it differed somewhat from the Liga.

Pilar’s plan was revolutionary; Bonifacio’s truly anarchistic.

Among the “chosen people” who testified before the Schurman Commission were two of the three native members of the present U. S. Commission, Tavera and Legarda. Both of these, among many other statements which will not hold water, had something to say on the subject of the Katipunan.

Legarda stated that: (see Report of the Philippine Commission, 1900; vol. II page 377.)

“This Society of Filipinos (the separatist element) united itself to the masonic society in Spain, and they established branches here; and this masonic society which was a true masonic society with all the characteristics [229]of Masonry, converted itself afterwards into the Katipunan society. This society, the Katipunan, made great progress here in the Philippines, for they had to do greatly with the common people; they never had anything to do, or mixed at at all, with the higher class of people here in the Philippines49. As a result of this the society gained much credit and power, and undermined the forces which were in existence, especially the native regiments of Tagalogs. This was in 1896; the Revolution broke out at San Juan del Monte in August. A curious fact that must be noted was that a friar, who was the priest of Tondo, was the cause of its breaking out; for Gen. Blanco knew of this movement of the people and what was going on50, and was in favor of making concessions to the people. This friar denounced the society, for he had a very intimate friend [230]who was a filipino, and he caused this friend to be introduced into the Katipunan society51, and this friend afterwards became the leader of the revolution himself. This Filipino was named Andrés Bonifacio, and later on he was chief of the revolution and chief of the Katipunan society. He took refuge in Cavite, and all that province rose up. Aguinaldo who was Municipal Captain in Cavite Viejo that time, was also a member of the Katipunan. When he heard that the Civil Guard was going to arrest him, he revolted too. He met a man who was his superior in the society—that is, Bonifacio—and as his ambition was his moving spirit, he caused Bonifacio to be shot.”

Tavera gave his opinion as follows: (see same Report, page 399. Vol II).

“The conviction was strong among the Filipinos that they would not succeed in attaining anything by any other means than force. This being the case, the idea occurred to some Filipinos to found a system of masonry here. There were some lodges of the masonic order here, and the idea presented [231]itself to form a sort of political masonry, which was created and called the Katipunan. This Katipunan society was naturally a secret society and had, I think, about 400,000 members, principally in the Tagalog provinces and of the people of the valley of the Pasig River. I think in Manila and in the valley of the Pasig there were 80,000, naturally, as there were so many, and as they were so strong, the idea of a revolution was a natural consequence. The principal agitator of all this movement was a man named Andrés Bonifacio, who stirred up and directed it. The political movement in the Philippines was started, as was natural, by the aristocracy of wealth and of intelligence, but the Katipunan society was formed entirely of the elements from the lowest class of society. Bonifacio was a man without education. He was employed in one of the business houses at a small salary, of perhaps $30 or $40 (Mexican) a month. They went on arranging their affairs very quietly and very secretly, awaiting a proper moment for action, which they believed would be the time of General Blanco’s departure from the Philippines. Gen. Blanco was a man who was well thought [232]of here52, for he had a great deal of tolerance for the people53. He did tolerate masonry, and they believed that he also tolerated the existence of the Katipunan society. One day the priest of Tondo, Padre Gil, through the confession of a woman54, learned of the existence of the Katipunan society, for the woman’s husband was a member55. This Father Gil informed the General, so the Katipunan society was discovered.

As the reader can easily see for himself there is considerable difference between the statements of these two persons; a comparison of these with the real facts of the case will [233]show how easy it is for a certain element to distort truth when it serves its purpose. I have quoted these two “chosen” people, not that their statements may go down to posterity as history (which has been distorted sufficiently), but because both Tavera and Legarda formed part of Aguinaldo’s mock government—the Filipino Commune; and therefore both of them had plenty of occasion to know the real facts of the case, facts they evidently desired, for some reason, to distort.

Note 73. See notes 70 and 71.

Note 74. Herein the katipuneros showed their madness. So fanaticised did they become that nothing of a nature or character Spanish was allowed to remain. They carried this anti-Españolism to the utmost extreme. Those of the native clergy who sympathised with the Katipunan frequently tore down the images of the saints in the churches, merely because the said saints were Spanish or painted them black in order to work the easier upon the imagination of the people.

It was this hatred for things Spanish that [234]gave rise to the bitterness demonstrated against the Religious Orders. The friar was a Spaniard, the most Spanish, as a general rule, of all the Spaniards in the Archipelago, and as such became the principal target.

(See page 148).

Note 75. The revolution ever showed unmistakable signs of a bitter race hatred. When the revolt first broke forth this race hatred was confined to Spaniards; and it was not until the breaking out of the insurrection against the lawful authority of the U. S. that it became general. Till then anyone but a Spaniard could go from end to end of the Archipelago without molestation; but when the promises of independence and other things of a like nature, made by the American Consuls of Hong-Kong and Singapore, and other irresponsible persons, failed to materialize, the self-asserted leaders of the people lost confidence in the white man and race hatred commenced to include all white people. When Aguinaldo’s hordes of semi-savages commenced their attack upon the American forces, the effects of this race-hatred were [235]felt more than ever before in the history of the country. Not only was the white man to be destroyed, but all those who sympathised with him—the Filipinos determined to “stagger humanity.” And how they were going to do it is demonstrated in a document signed by Aguinaldo, captured by the American forces and published by the War Department of the U. S. on the 5th of September 1900. The following are a few extracts from it:

“Malolos, Jan. 9, 1899—Instructions to the Brave Soldiers of Sandtahan of Manila.

“Article 1. All Filipinos should observe our fellow-countrymen in order to see whether they are American sympathizers. They shall take care to work with them in order to inspire them with confidence of the strength of the holy cause of their country. Whenever they are assured of the loyalty of the converts they shall instruct them to continue in the character of an American sympathizer in order that they may receive good pay, but without prejudicing the cause of our country. In this way they can serve themselves, and at the same time serve the public by communicating to the committee of chiefs, and of our army, whatever news [236]of importance they may have56.

Gifts as Covers for Attack.

“Art. 2. All of the chiefs and Filipino brothers should be ready and courageous for the combat, and should take advantage of the opportunity to study well the situation of the American outposts and headquarters, observing especially secret places where they can approach and surprise the enemy.

“Art. 3. The chief of those who go to attack the barracks should send in first, four men with a good present for the American commander. Immediately after will follow four others, who will make a pretense of looking for the same officer for some reason and a larger group shall be concealed in the corners or houses in order to aid the other groups at the first signal. This wherever it is possible at the moment of attack.

To Murder in Woman’s Disguise.

“Art. 4. They should not, prior to the attack, look at the Americans in a threatening [237]manner. On the contrary, the attack on the barracks by the Sandtahan should be a complete surprise and with decision and courage. One should go alone in advance in order to kill the sentinel. In order to deceive the sentinel this one should dress as a woman, and must take great care that the sentinel is not able to discharge his piece, thus calling the attention of those in the barracks. This will enable his companions who are approaching to assist in the general attack.

“Art. 5. At the moment of the attack the Sandtahan should not attempt to secure rifles from their dead enemies, but shall pursue, slashing right and left with bolos until the Americans surrender, and after there remains no enemy who can injure, they may take the rifles in one hand and the ammunition in the other.

Firebrands from the Housetops

“Art. 6. The officers shall take care that on the top of the houses along the streets where the American forces shall pass there shall be placed four to six men, who shall be prepared with stones, timbers, red hot iron, heavy furniture, as well as boiling water, oil and molasses, rags soaked in coal-oil ready [238]to be lit and thrown down, and any other hard and heavy objects that they can throw on the passing American troops. At the same time in the lower parts of the houses will be concealed the Sandtahan, who will attack immediately.

“Great care should be taken not to throw glass in the streets, as the greater part of our soldiers go barefooted. On these houses there will, if possible, be arranged in addition to the objects to be thrown down, a number of the Sandtahan, in order to cover a retreat or to follow up a rout of the enemy’s column, so that we may be sure of the destruction of all the opposing forces.

Women to Prepare “Bombs”

“Art. 9. In addition to the instructions given in paragraph 6, there shall be in the houses vessels filled with boiling water, tallow, molasses and other liquids, which shall be thrown as bombs on the Americans who pass in front of their houses, or they can make use of syringes or tubes of bamboo. In these houses shall be the Sandtahan, who shall hurl the liquids that shall be passed to them by women and children.

“Art. 10. In place of bolos or daggers if [239]they do not possess the same, the Sandtahan can provide themselves with lances and arrows with long sharp heads, and these should be shot with great force in order that they may penetrate well into the bodies of the enemy. And they should be so made that in withdrawal from the body the head will remain in the flesh.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

”Emilio Aguinaldo”

The following official notice posted up in Sta. Cruz, Laguna, is another interesting example of the extent to which this race hatred spread:

Notice.

The traitor Honorato Quisunbin, who in an evil moment denied his country, died yesterday.

To-day, one no less a traitor and renegade to his mother country, has also died. He who has been the cause of so many husband-less wives and fatherless children, has received a punishment for his crimes which will prevent him from repeating them.

We will allot to-morrow, for the punishment of the remainder if they do not change their conduct, but continue to follow the steps of [240]the above mentioned. For this reason, beloved compatriots now that you have witnessed the punishment given to those who have left the path marked by our authority which our government conferred on us although we are unworthy of it, but as we have been appointed, we have forcibly to obey all the decrees published, for the crimes which are punishable by death and which are as follows:

1st. All those who have any public or private communication with the enemy and serve them as guides;

2nd. All those who attack and rob in a band;

3rd. Violation or abuse;

4th. Incendiarism;

5th. All those who receive any position or employment in the service of the enemy.

(Signed) The Compatriots.

This race hatred is illustrated very clearly in the definition of the Katipunan given by Romualdo Teodoro de J., when he said that its aim was to kill all Spaniards and take possession of the islands. No particular hatred was shown to any class; it was all Spaniards of all classes and conditions who [241]were to be assassinated. It is also clearly depicted in the Act of Session of the Katipunan Sur already quoted (See page 81; also foot-note page 80).

Note 76. What Sr. Diaz intends by Tagalog Katipunan is not quite clear. The whole society was practically confined to the Tagalog provinces and was insignificant in extent even beyond the city of Manila and its suburbs. There was no other Katipunan.

In November 1895 the assembly of the Katipunan was composed of ten individuals of the Supreme Council, and the presidents of the popular sections who were entitled to assist in virtue of holding some office therein.

In January of the following year of 1896, after the annual election, the assembly was composed as follows:

President Andrés Bonifacio. Secretary Emilio Jacinto. Treasurer Vicente Molina. Pantaleón Torres. Hermenegildo Reyes.[242] Councillors Francisco Carreón. José Trinidad. Balbino Florentino. Aguedo del Rosario. Fiscal Pio Valenzuela. Note 77. The question of the amount and the source of the supply of arms possessed by the Katipunan has always been one of dispute. Some suppose the rebels to have been well armed, whilst others reckon the number of serviceable guns to have been very small.

Among the papers and documents belonging to the Katipunan Sur, seized by the Spanish authorities, is the following:

“Commissioned for the purchase of arms:

D. Gabino Tantoko D. Juan D. Antonio D. Ezequiel D. Epifanio Ramos. D. Victoriano Luis for the distinct armories of Manila.” In a letter of the Secretary to the President D. Agustin Tantoko (a native priest; see page 79):[243]

“I believe we can obtain the dynamite by bribing some of the harbor employees.”

This letter has a foot-note which says: “When you have read this, destroy it.”

Numeriano Adriano testified (fols. 1,309–1,312) that Andrés Bonifacio had collected 10,000 pesos for the purchase, in Japan, of 4,000 rifles with abundant ammunition.

He also stated that the arms had been purchased and were to be landed near by the mountains of San Mateo and in the Batanes islands, from whence they would be brought to Manila.

That “Andrés Bonifacio went to San Mateo with men to receive and arrange arms, whilst Deodato Arellano and Timoteo Paez were encharged to send people to Batanes to the same end.”

Also that “It is said that many of the insurgents in the province of Cavite bear arms of different systems, and he supposed that they must have been acquired by the rich and wealthy persons of that province, such as Francisco Osario and others, who knowing perhaps of the existence of the Liga of Manila, its form and object, had formed their own also, in the said province, in [244]order to unite to that of Manila and make common cause therewith.”

Domingo Franco declared (fols. 1,381–1,382), in answer to a question during his trial, as to what he knew in reference to the purchase of arms and ammunition, that “all he knew was that arms and ammunition had been purchased, because at the end of 1895, or the beginning of 1896, he saw Francisco L. Rojas in his office in Calle Jolo, and the said Rojas told him that he had received a quantity of arms and ammunition.” He stated moreover, that he did not know the make or number, nor where they had been landed.

Tomas Prieto of Nueva Caceres mentioned the receipt of 50 arms from Bato. He also stated that Mariano Melgarejo, according to references from Macario Valentin, received a load of arms in eleven cases from Pasacao.”

Pio Valenzuela affirmed that the arms borne by the rebels were for the most part domestic bolos57 and lances, and [245]that the chiefs were armed with revolvers.” These revolvers were, he affirmed, acquired from the Maestranzi de Artilleria.

Juan Castañeda declared that “the Japanese offered to land here 100,000 rifles with their ammunition, the expense of which should be paid in a fixed number of years.”

Numeriano Adriano also affirmed that it had been decided to purchase arms in Japan and that one of the islands of the Archipelago should be given to Japan in exchange for its aid.

Domingo Abella affirmed that he had visited Francisco Rojas in his office for the purpose of finding out if the arms which the tailor Luis Villareal had ordered for the society, had arrived; and that although Francisco Rojas did not belong to the society, he was encharged to portion out the arms and commissioned to bring them to Manila. Francisco told him that he could not provide him with any as they were all sold.

The net cost of the arms and ammunition necessary to carry out the revolt was considerable, and as their introduction into the country would have to be very carefully planned, and be carried out with the [246]greatest secrecy, the original cost would be considerably increased. Large sums of money were therefore necessary to cover expenses. Although the entrance fees and monthly subscriptions were considerable they could not produce the amount necessary to provide for the revolution, especially when there existed such a wide spread tendency among those who handled the funds, to absorb them as a sponge absorbs water. Castillo in his work concerning this association and its funds says58:

“Undoubtedly it (the Katipunan) possessed large sums of money, only the most insignificant part of which, according to report, was discovered in the possession of Pio Valenzuela, preserved in gold and amounting, we believe, to less than 30,000 pesos. These resources could not cover the extraordinary expenses of the propaganda, that of the Commissioners sent to Japan to treat with that power on the question of a protectorate, and that of the coming war expenses which were without doubt, very considerable.

“The Indian is not so selfish or so patriotic [247]that he would, without immediate advantage to himself permit himself the extravagance of abandoning the sedentary life he usually leads, to launch out into the field of adventures of doubtful result. Those who from the headquarters of the revolution directed those torpid masses must have realised this, and to make sure of the exit, caused money to be distributed to all the affiliated and to their families, giving them at the same time rice in abundance.

“On the morning of the events which took place at San Juan del Monte, two women who live in the Santa Mesa road, were engaged in giving money to the taos59 who passed that way, advising them to unite themselves with the insurrectos to the end of killing all the Spaniards….

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

“This money set aside for distribution in San Juan del Monte, in Pasig and in the pueblos on the banks of the river, must have come from a well stocked treasury….”

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

A little further on, the author gives a very broad hint as to one probable source of funds when he asks the question, where [248]is the million and a half pesos which constitute the default in the public treasury of Manila?

“It would be a curious coincidence,” says the author, “if part of this amount perhaps the greater part should have served as funds from which the expenses of the revolution and the war were paid.”

Note 78. The initiations into the Katipunan were grotesque in the extreme. The person introduced for initiation was placed in a room draped in black, with its walls hung with mottoes in Tagalog dialect such as: “If you have courage you may continue,” “If you have been brought here by your curiosity, retire.” Upon a table was placed a skull, a loaded revolver and a bolo. A paper upon which were written three questions lay also upon the table. These questions were: “In what state did the Spaniards find the Tagalog people at the time of the conquest? In what state are they found now? What future can it hope for?

The initiated previously instructed by his god-father, or by the person who catechised him, was to reply that, at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, the Filipinos [249]living on the coasts enjoyed a certain amount of civilization, since they already had cannons and silk dresses, that they enjoyed political liberty, sustained diplomatic (sic) relations and commerce with the neighboring countries of Asia; had their own religion and writing; in a word, lived happy with their independence. A certain amount of civilization may be. Let us see what that certain amount was:

“Barely clothed, and more often naked, revelling day and night in drunkenness, given to the practice of infanticide, holding virginity as a dishonor, having among them people who practiced defloration as a profession, ignorant of the value and uses of money, making use of men, women and children to pay debts, in continual warfare with one another and enslaving their prisoners, practicing wholesale murder of slaves on the death of a chief or important personage, adoring and sacrificing to rocks, trees, crocodiles and idols of wood; lacking religion, but having in its stead most bestial and absurd superstitions; without temples, monuments or even literature, although they possessed a species of written language. The only human ideas they possessed were adopted [250]from the Chinese, Japanese and Borneo Mohammedans whom they imitated after the manner of apes. This, historians tell us, was the condition of this people 340 years ago! when the missionaries planted the Cross on Philippine soil, and brought to the benighted natives the gospel.” So much for the certain amount of civilization.

Cannons and silk dresses: of a kind; as to the cannons, where did they all come from? Bought from or exchanged with the Borneo moros probably. As to these and the silk dresses, the savages of the south-sea islands enjoyed the use of such things and enjoyed them with better knowledge of how to use them! They enjoyed political liberty; let us see what Morga the historian who speaks most glowingly of the ancient civilization of the Filipino peoples, has to say on this point.

He says: “In all these islands the people had neither kings nor lords to dominate them as in other kingdoms and provinces. But in each island were many chiefs from among the same natives, some greater than others each one with his subjects, by groups and families, who obeyed and respected them. Sometimes these chiefs were at peace with [251]one another and some times at war…. The superiority which these chiefs had over the people of their group was such that they held them as subjects, with power to treat them well or ill, disposing of their persons, children and estates at their will, without resistance or the necessity of giving account to anyone, and for very slight offences they killed and wounded them and made slaves of them; and if it happened that one of the chiefs were bathing in the river and a native passed in front of him or looked upon him with want of respect, and for other similar things, they made slaves of them for ever.” This is a good and practical kind of political liberty, just the kind of liberty the country would enjoy if in the hands of the leaders of the Federal Party, so anxious for liberties for themselves and coercion for those who do not agree with their way of thinking.

Diplomatic relations and commerce with the neighboring countries of Asia: As to the diplomatic relations the mere idea of such a thing is preposterous. If we are to concede the use of diplomatic relations to the ancient Tagalog people, then we must consider as diplomatic relations such customs [252]as the passing of the “peace pipe” practiced by the indian of the United States, and the giving and accepting of young women for sensual convenience practiced in many of the islands of the Pacific up to the present day. As to their foreign commerce let us listen once more to Morga. “Their contracts and negotiations were as a rule illicit, each one considering the best way to come off successful in his business.”

Their own religion: For a religious system they worshiped their ancestors and performed human sacrifices. The Spaniards found in these islands less than a million inhabitants, who were divided into innumerable tribes governed by rulers who had no more title of sovereignty than that they were enabled to impose upon the people by brute force and untold cruelties. The inhabitants formed a jumble of inferior races some more or less pure in blood, others intermixed; people speaking many dialects. They all lacked religion, in the proper sense of the word; they lacked morals, in fact they were wanting in everything that raises man above the level of the brute creation.

As to their own writing, certain it is that they possessed a crude and very inefficient [253]manner of writing, but what is very remarkable is, that in spite of their possessing a system of script, not a single piece of their literary work has yet been discovered nor even a written tradition. This goes to prove that either the Filipinos were at that time too deep in the savage ages to realise the importance of writing, or that the form of script was useless for practical purposes.

To the second question the initiated replied that the friar missionaries had done nothing to civilize the Filipinos, as they considered the civilization and illustration of the country to be incompatible with their interests60.[254]

To the third question the initiated was to reply that they had faith, courage and [255]constancy to aid them to remedy these evils in the future.61

The master of ceremonies warned him that he was taking a very important and very solemn step, and he was recommended to retire if he did not feel courage enough to continue since he would uselessly expose his life. If the initiated insisted in continuing with the mysteries of the initiation he was presented to the reunion of the brethren to be tried by the proofs assigned, which were very similar to those adopted in universal masonry, but surrounded with more paganism, if that be possible. He was blindfolded and made to discharge a revolver against an imaginary enemy, a person he was made to believe really was present and awaiting [256]there the executionary bullet which should make him pay the penalty of a treason. If he passed through the proofs successfully he was introduced into the hall of oaths and there with his own blood, drawn by means of an incision made in the left arm between the shoulder and the elbow, he signed the oath.

Note 79. See note 50, pages 171, 173 and 174.

Note 80. The liberty of the Tagalog people; the chief aim which gave rise to the revolt. The first thing the separatists desired was to get rid of the Peninsular Spaniard; the next to go would have been the insular Spaniard, then the Spanish mestizo, then the Chinee half-caste and the Chinee; after which would come the gradual extinction of the various tribes. In the mean time the country would suffer considerably and at last…? See page 69, last four lines of the first paragraph.

It is well nigh impossible to imagine to what the liberty of the Tagalog people would mean if it were put into practice. If the South American states which are [257]recognized as independent, are unable to govern themselves in spite of the political superiority of the people inhabiting them over the peoples of this archipelago, without an unending series of revolutions, what might we expect from the Philippines? Give the country independence with one of the native “commissioners” as president of the republic and how long do you suppose it would be before Pedro Paterno at the head of some 5 or 6,000 men would march into Manila to depose the president and proclaim himself Emperor Pedro I? And before the new Emperor could install himself in Malacañan he would have at his heels a thousand and one petty chiefs, princes, kings and perhaps even a few ambitious queens!

It is over a half a century ago since the South American Republics became independent, and at that time the rest of the world cared but little for the consequences of such a step. But this indifference of the nations can never exist here in the Orient at the commencement of this XX Century. It would never suit the rest of the world to see independence declared in the Philippines and especially if that independence left the reins of government in the hands of the Tagalog people.[258]

The question of the expulsion from the country or the destruction of the Spaniards has been spoken of under several notes; the idea was, doubtless, a semi-savage interpretation of the preachings and teachings spread abroad by the Bible societies in all parts and especially in Spanish countries. And this becomes the more probable when we call to mind what the El Imparcial of the 26th of August 1896 published concerning this identical point. Speaking of the state of the country in general as a result of the insurrection, it says:

“The minister of Foreign affairs received a telegram yesterday from General Blanco manifesting that more arrests had been made….

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The conjuration had ramifications in various parts of the Archipelago, and in it figured not only masonic societies but also Bible societies….

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The propaganda of filibusterism is encharged to the colporteurs of evangelical books, who wander all over the Archipelago selling protestant publications.”

Note 81. These three native priests were [259]among the prime movers of the rebellion of 1872, a revolt which was planned out in the houses of Joaquin Pardo de Tavera and Jacinto Zamora. The three priests were executed by the garrote together with Francisco Saldua. Gomez left the sum of 200,000 pesos to his natural son, born to him before he entered the priesthood. In his will he strongly counselled his son to be ever faithful to the Spanish authorities. I had intended to give a brief outline of the revolt of ’72 but space will not permit. Taking it as a whole, it differed little from the revolt of ’96 with the exception that it was directly brought about by the propagators of revolutionary ideas then rampant in Spain, and by the emissaries of the revolutionary government then established.

Note 82.—See note 20.

Note 83. The oath taken by the katipuneros was as follows:

K. K. K. N. M. A. N. B.

Section….

I declare that on account of my entrance into the K. K. K. of the A. N. B. I have [260]sworn a solemn oath in my native pueblo and in the presence of a superior of the Junta of the Katipunan, to do away with everything that is possible and even with that which is to me most near and dear and appreciated in this life, and to defend the cause to victory or to death. And in truth of this I swear also to be obedient in everything and to follow in the fight wherever I am led.

And in proof of what I have said I place my true name with the blood of my veins at the foot of this declaration.”

Note 84. Pio Valenzuela, who gave some of the most interesting and reliable information concerning the inner life of the Katipunan, testified (fols. 1,663–1,673) that on the 30th of November 1895, the birthday of Bonifacio, a meeting was held in Caloocan, in a house situated in the rice fields, some thirty five or forty individuals assisting thereat, among them being the witness. This meeting continued all day and all night till the following day, the first of December. At this meeting they pronounced the death sentence upon the tailor Guzman for publishing the secrets of the [261]Katipunan; this sentence was signed by all present including the witness, after he had made many observations against it, observations the rest would not listen to. One of the lighter punishments meted out was the public exposition in the lodge rooms of the picture of the person punished, with the word traitor written over or under it.

Note 85. The Katipunan enjoyed a peculiar and special organization, which was given to it in order to avoid surprises and treachery. The assemblies were always held in secluded places and under the cover of the greatest secrecy. Sometimes they were held at midnight in the open cornfields so as not to attract the attention of those indians who were not members of the society. Valenzuela relates how a secret meeting was held in the pueblo of Pasig at midnight, on one occasion to arrange the matter of the annexation of the Islands to Japan in case that nation did not care to declare a protectorate over them.

The Council of Ministers of the Supreme popular Council was as follows:

President Andrés Bonifacio. War Teodoro Plata.[262] State Emilio Jacinto. Interior Aguedo del Rosario. Justice Birecio Pantas. Finance Enrique Pacheco. Note 86. Pio Valenzuela mentioned one occasion upon which such a meeting of the society was held, he himself assisting thereat, in the house of Andrés Bonifacio. It was a supper given in honor of the baptism of a child to which the said Valenzuela was god-father. After the supper, which served as a shield under the which the work of the lodge was to be done, an election was held for the Supreme and the Popular Councils, and the sections. Some thirty members were present.

Another case he mentioned was that of a meeting held on the birthday of Bonifacio 30th of November 1895.

The Katipunan moreover had its own festivals. This is how Valenzuela describes them:

“The Katipunan held its festival, according as Andrés Bonifacio had told the witness, on the 7th of July, anniversary of the foundation of the society; it also celebrated another anniversary on the 28th of February, [263]the date of the execution of the three native priests, Burgos, Gomez and Zamora (see note 81). On that day a catafalque draped with black cloth, was erected in each one of the popular Councils, having four hachones62, one in each of its four angles, adorned with crowns made with plants named Macabuhay63. All the members filed before the funeral pile, reciting prayers for the dead and swearing to avenge the death of the three priests.

Note 87. Roman Baza, who was one of the many who suffered the death penalty for his treason, undertook to educate in ultra-democratic ideas, (as Isabelo de los Reyes is doing in our days), all he came in contact with. He printed and spread abroad the “rights of man” of the French revolution.

He was at one time president of the Katipunan (see p. 44) but being a man little suited to carry out to a successful issue the set plans of the society, Bonifacio determined [264]to remove him, by what Sr. Diaz terms a coup-d’etat, but more properly called an underhand trick. Bonifacio, at that time treasurer, forced a conflict on the subject of the financial conditions of the society, being denounced as an exploiter for his pains. The quarrel was settled by an election, Bonifacio by his unholy influence carrying all before him.

It was during the presidency of Baza that the Katipunan society for women was founded, “the object of which was mutual succor (!). The institution serving at the same time to dissimulate the meetings of the male Katipuneros. Whilst the latter were holding their sessions in a retired room, the women were in the salon with some young men dancing, singing or eating. The presidentess of this society of mutual succorers was Mariana Dizon.

To secure admission it was necessary to be a daughter or sister of one of the male members. Mariana Dizon later on married José Turiano Santiago, and as a result, the female Katipunan, as an organization was broken up, the late members however continuing to shield as before, the labors of the Katipunan reunions.[265]

Note 88. See notes 74, 75 and 93. Part of the local and provincial Spanish press has not failed to give the public a rehash from time to time, of the greater part of the inventions of the separatists. It is needless to say, however, that in this it has failed to receive the support of representative Spaniards who look upon such an action as little to the honor of the good name of Spain. As to the corresponding English-speaking press in this connection, the less said the better for the good name of American journalism.

Note 89. José Dizon Matanza stated during his trial (fols. 1,132–1,138) “that Pio Valenzuela sought money from the wealthy, and as he (the prisoner) understood, from a statement of Bonifacio, had collected over a thousand pesos for the object of covering the expenses of the trip which he made to Dapitan to confer with Rizal; and in order to fool the authorities he took with him a blind individual with his guide, that Rizal might perform a cure or some operation upon the blind man. The motive of the conference was the proposition to Rizal of the armed rebellion, etc., etc.”[266]

Valenzuela himself spoke of this trip to Dapitan (see note 16, p. 133) as follows:—

“In the month of May of that year 1896, a reunion was held in Pasig and there it was agreed to send a commission to Japan … and it was agreed also to commence the armed rebellion, settling the manner in which it should be carried out, but it was decided that, previous to taking action it would be wise to consult with Rizal, the witness being chosen as emissary. The schoolmaster of Cavite Viejo, by name Santos, proposed that a blind man named Raymundo Mata should accompany Valenzuela that Rizal might cure him. The witness embarked on the S. S. Venus at the end of May, meeting on board, one of Rizal’s sisters, and his (Rizal’s) querida, an American or English woman named Josefina; and arriving at Dapitan, the witness went ashore with the two women and a servant that accompanied them, making their way to the house of Rizal, etc., etc.”

According to a statement of Isabelo de los Reyes, “Rizal, as has been clearly proved at the trials (of traitors) advised them to wait another two years, as they lacked arms.”

I wonder if Rizal foresaw the war to [267]break out two years later between Spain and the United States! His intense desire to go to Cuba would give one that idea.

Note 90. Negotiations indeed! Who can imagine the circumspect and formal little nation of Japan admitting negotiations with a warehouse porter, a man who was representative only of the worst of the lowest classes! Sr. Diaz probably made this statement from hearsay por boca de ganso as they say in Spanish. If any negotiations took place between Bonifacio and the Japanese Government they were on a par with those between the late U. S. Consuls of Singapore and Hong-Kong, and a few other irresponsible people, and Aguinaldo, the leader of the Katipunan.

Note 91. As has been seen in the foregoing notes, it was the intention of the separatists to make purchases of arms and their necessary ammunition in Japan. Those wealthy Filipinos who were owners of steamships were looked to as the chief assistance in the transportation and landing of the said arms, etc.

The date of the arrival of the arms, [268]according as appeared from evidence given during the trial of Francisco L. Roxas, was to have been the 31st of December 1896. Lorenzo de la Paz, however, stated that it was the 1st of September of the said year. Others claimed it to be the 13th of September or the 30th of November. As may be easily seen, there was no lack of disagreement among the chiefs of the revolt, and perhaps, as far as the majority were concerned, still more exploitation.

Note 92. Pio Valenzuela y Alejandrino was a licentiate of Medicine, and one of the members of the inferior Supreme Council of the Katipunan. According to his own story he entered the files of the society under compulsion at the hands of Andrés Bonifacio, who on the strength of a love affair, gave him the alternative of death or membership in the Katipunan (see p. 132). In his declaration during his trial (fol. 142–147) on the 6th of September 1896, he recorded how on the 30 day of November, S. Andrew’s day of the year 1895, he was presented by Andrés Bonifacio to various Katipuneros as “brother” Medico (Doctor), Bonifacio stating that from that time he 269 would be the doctor of the society. He also stated how, in the following month of January and in another meeting, he was nominated Fiscal, and official doctor with a salary of thirty pesos monthly, a salary he had no little difficulty in collecting. He was commissioned in May 1896 to go to Dapitan to hold a conference with Rizal concerning armed rising against the supreme authority of Spain in the Archipelago; but Rizal was shrewder and more far-sighted than the others and would not consent to the carrying out of the scheme as proposed by Bonifacio. On the return of Valenzuela Bonifacio imposed upon him a strict silence concerning the outcome of the conference; but being pressed by certain members of the society, among whom were Emilio Jacinto, Secretary of the Supreme Council, and capita Ramon of Pandacan, he revealed the secret of Rizal’s opposition to a plan he feared would be abortive. When once the cat was out of the bag the facts soon became public among the principal members, with the result that many who had promised funds for the purchase of arms etc. in Japan, refused to pay the amounts promised. Among these was a [270]colonel of Malabon who had promised 500 pesos for the said object. This breach of confidence on the part of Valenzuela brought about the separation of himself and Bonifacio, and the former presented his resignation as doctor and fiscal of the society. Bonifacio opposed the idea of his resignation but it was finally accepted, and the former friends parted company each to work in his own sphere.

Valenzuela was in fact one of the chief movers of the rebellion; this was confessed by Domingo Franco, the late president of the then defunct Liga Filipina. “The rebellion,” says he, “was produced by a foolish child, whose name it would dirty the tongue to pronounce, because after being the author of all (this however is somewhat inexact) has given himself up to the authorities to denounce those he has succeeded in misleading.”

During his trial in the Bilibid prison, before Col. Francisco Olive y García on the 2nd of September 1896, he gave some of the most interesting and reliable information that has yet been gathered concerning the interior workings and doings of the Katipunan.[271]

When the Guardia Civil set out from Manila to break up Bonifacio’s party in Caloocan, several of those forming the leadership fled, and among them Valenzuela. He entered Manila by way of Sampaloc, passing through Quiapo to the Escolta and down the Pasaje de Pérez, embarking there on one of the lake steamers. On arrival at Biñang he went to the house of the co-adjutor D. Silvino Manaol (native priest), to whom he recounted what had taken place. The co-adjutor asked of the parish priest the proclamation of the Governor General conceding pardon to those who should present themselves64. Having read it with care and under the advice of the co-adjutor, he set out for the capital [272]disembarking at the Ayala bridge from whence he took a quiles and went immediately to the palace of the Governor to present himself to him. The Governor General was not at home so Valenzuela at once started for the offices of the Military Government.

Speaking of this giving up of himself of Valenzuela, Sr. José M. del Castillo y Jimenez says: “The forty-eight hours conceded by the proclamation of the Governor Blanco were about to close when there reached the palace of Sta. Potenciana, worn out, bathed in perspiration, and almost in a period of agony, Pio Valenzuela, an important person of revolution he being in such a condition that it was necessary to assist him previous to his passing into the presence of Gov. Blanco. When he had come to himself and was in a condition to make an explicit and ample confession he had two hours conference with the Governor, giving information of as such as he knew.”

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

“Valenzuela and Rosario were of great utility in clarifying the facts and especially in the explanation of the cipher documents discovered in the house of Villaruel and others.”[273]

1Avisos y profecias, Madrid 1892. pp. 286–308.

2Concerning the doctrines of Universal Freemasonry D. Gabriel Jogand-Pagés says writing on the subject of freemasonry in Spain: “The teaching which according to the ritual of the 33rd degree is the synthesis of freemasonry, is well worthy of being borne in mind.”

“In the reception to the 33rd degree, the Grand Master turning to the person to be received, ends his discourse with the following significant exhortation:

“I owe you, Illustrious brother, an explanation which it is necessary to give to our rituals.”

“Masonry being nothing else than active revolution, permanent conspiracy against political and religious despotism,….”

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

“The Grand Master innocent, you have already seen, is man … man who was born innocent because he was born unconsciously.”

“Our Grand Master Innocent was born to be happy and to enjoy in all their fullness all his rights without exception: But he fell, struck with the blows of three assassins: of three infamous beings who placed formidable obstacles in the way of his happiness, and against his rights….”

“These three infamous assassins are: the Law, Property and Religion”.

“The Law because it is not in harmony with the rights of the individual man and the duties of the man who lives in society: rights which all acquire in all their integrity….”

“Property: because the earth is the property of no one and its products pertain to all in the measure for each one of the true necessities for his welfare.”

“Religion: because religions are no more than the philosophies of men of talent, which the people have adopted….”

“Neither the Law, Property nor Religion can impose themselves upon man, and as they deprive him of his most precious rights they are assassins against whom we have sworn to exercise the utmost vengeance.

“Of these three infamous enemies, Religion ought to be the object of our constant mortal attacks, because a people never have survived their religion, and destroying religion we have at our disposition the law and property and we can then regenerate society, establishing over the ruins, masonic Religion, masonic Law and masonic property.”

3“Insurreccion en Filipinas”; vol. I. p. 109.

4One not acquainted with the seducing nature of the masonic operation and the peculiarity of the native character, would wonder to find the name of a Catholic priest so intimately connected with freemasonry and its offspring, especially in a country in which the Church wages close and continual warfare with the evil. There is little need for surprise however, when we consider the seductive influence of the one hand and the simplicity and childishness of the native character on the other. Many of the native clergy were body and soul wrapt up in the workings of freemasonry and were Spain’s worst and most crafty enemies.

In Nueva Caceres, Inocencio Herrera, Severo Estrada and Severino Diaz, three native priests of the Cathedral of that diocese, headed the conspiracy against the Government. They formed a deposit of arms and ammunition in the organ of the Cathedral and, according to the plan they had prepared, one of their first steps was to murder the Bishop of the diocese. On this point it will be interesting to quote the testimony of Tomás Prieto, of Nueva Caceres, who, whilst on board the S. S. Isarog, on the 20th of September 1896, testified in the presence of the captain of the Ship and other witnesses that he had received 50 rifles, 10 of which he had given into the care of Manuel Abella, a millionaire of that province who was eventually executed for treason; the remainder he had distributed among other persons, 3 being placed in the care of Severino Diaz, parish priest of the Cathedral of Nueva Caceres…. As to their plans of action, he testified that the intention was to kill all the Spaniards, the mentioned parish priest of the Cathedral, the coadjutor Inocencio and Severo Estrada, all natives, having promised to aid personally to secure the success of the affair.

He also declared that “on the 9th of July of the same year, a reunion was celebrated in the house of Manuel Abella, and among those present were Gabriel Prieto, a native priest and brother of the witness, Severino Diaz and others; it was in this reunion that it was decided to carry out the programme above mentioned.”

In both provinces of the Camarines many were mixed up in some of the dirtiest work of the revolt.

Innumerable cases might be mentioned also in which the native clergy have exerted considerable influence against the American Government, inciting the rebels to resist its lawful authority, much to the detriment of the interests of the Church and bringing down upon the clergy in general accusations of sedition and treachery. Juan Castañeda testified that he had been initiated into the mysteries of freemasonry by Severo Buenaventura, a native priest, coadjutor of Imus. Buenaventura received his initiation from Ambrosio Flores, now the Governor of the province of Rizal; he possessed three grades and enjoyed the use of the symbolic name of “cuitib” (the name of a small ant which bites furiously). Nine native priests were sent to Manila from Vigan and La Union; all of these were convicted of treason.

5The word in the original Spanish is madrasta which, apart from that of step-mother, has the meaning of “anything disagreeable.”

6See note 26.

7For the complete document see appendix A.

8A contract was made between the administrator of the estate in question, situated at Calamba, and Francisco Mercado Rizal, father of the subject of this note, for the land the Rizal family occupied and cultivated. This land measured some 500 hectares and was clear and clean, the tenant having merely to give it three or four turns with the plow in order to prepare it for use. To show the treatment meted out to the tenant, it will be sufficient to say that the contract agreed that the tenant should have the entire use of the land and its product for four harvests or five years RENT FREE. As great as this advantage was to the Rizal family it is but a little of what was done by the Dominicans for that ungrateful family of filibusters.

9Lawyer.

10”La Independencia” was a revolutionary daily of four pages, published in the Orphan Asylum of Malabon, property of the Augustinian Corporation and stolen and eventually totally destroyed by the “ever destructive” Tagalog rebels during the revolution. The first number was published on Saturday, 3rd Sept. 1898. Its leading article is an exposition of the purpose of the publication of the paper, which was the defense of the independence of the Philippines. “We defend, says the writer of the article, the independence of the Philippines because it is the aspiration of the country which has come of age; and when a people rise as a man to protest, arm in hand, against a policy of oppression and injustice, it manifests sufficient vitality to live free.” This is a fair sample of the style of the conduct of the paper. It is worthy of note that the history of the revolt has clearly shown that, in the first place, independence was not the aspiration of the people, but a fanciful hope of a handful of exploiters; secondly that the country has not come of age, not having even reached the age of puberty; thirdly that the people did not rise as a man but that the Tagal “discontents” were the body and soul of the whole insurrection both against Spain and against the U. S.; and finally, that the “policy of oppression and injustice” was imaginary, the same complaint having since been made against the Government of Washington as was then made against the Government of Madrid. The quotation concerning Luna is taken from No. 2 of the paper published on the 5th of Sept. 1898.

11The principal works of Juan Luna are: The death of Cleopatra for which he received a silver medal; this was painted under the tutorship of Sr. Vera. Under the same master he painted the Spoliarium for which he was rewarded a gold medal, but this not really for the merit of the picture but in order to put an end to a rivalry between two Spanish painters. On his own account he painted and gave forth The Battle of Lepanto; this was received almost with hisses and was heartily criticized. Also the Profanation of the Tombs; if anything this was worse. As the savage nature which lay dormant in his breast became more and more awakened his paintings became more and more decadescent: his Pacto-de-Sangre, in the which he inspired the return to one of the most barbarous customs of pre-Spanish times in the archipelago, rubs off the last touches of the veneer of civilization which formed the dividing line between the indian of the city and the indian of the mountain and forest.

12“Andrés Bonifacio told the witness that he communicated with the president of the Superior Supreme Council, who was Francisco L. Roxas latterly, and Doroteo Cortés formerly; … “Testimony of Pio Valenzuela (fols. 591 to 597).

13”… Doroteo Cortés and a certain Artacho were those who were in understanding with the Japanese Government, which would find a way to send people of the laboring classes to the Philippines, to the end of seeking motives which might give excuse for a war between Spain and that Power”. Testimony of Pio Valenzuela (fols. 1,663 to 1,673).

14”… The Supreme Council (of the Liga) decided to purchase arms and ammunition in Japan, sending to that country at the proper time, a commission to ask of that Government its aid and protection for the Philippines, under the condition that some islands of the Archipelago should be ceded to that nation as a recompense; … Cortés, Ambrosio Bautista and others being chosen to form the commission.” Testimony of Numeriano Adriano (fols. 1,309 to 1,312).

15“It the having been known for some time that Pedro Serrano had malverted the money gathered for Rizal, and for the funds of the Propaganda, the associates of Masonry stopped the individual payment of the 50 cents per month for La Propaganda….” Extract from the testimony of Antonio Salazar y San Agustin (fols. 1,118 to 1,129 Sept. 22, 1896).

16For a description of anting-anting see appendix D.

17Pedro Gonzales, a native who was captured whilst carrying dispatches and letters to and fro between Manila and the insurgent camp, was a man well posted in the doings of the rebels and was able to give much interesting and valuable information to the Authorities. The most interesting portions of his evidence will be found in appendix F. In this matter of the flight of Bonifacio he stated that “it was not exact as had been said, that Andrés Bonifacio was in Cavite (at that particular time), for after the defeat at San Juan del Monte he disappeared with the funds of the Katipunan, which amounted to some 20,000 pesos, as he had been assured.”

18Having been asked during his trial whether he was aware of the hiding place of Bonifacio, Valenzuela (fol. 600 to 605) stated that “he was not aware of the place in which Bonifacio and others were to be met with; that he merely supposed that Bonifacio could be found in the mountains of San Mateo, in Tapusi, in other words in the most inaccessible part of the said mountain range; because the witness heard him say that he would retire to that point to dedicate himself to highway robbery if the movement should not be successful.

19“The generalisimo, captain Emilio, is very indignant with the conduct of Andrés Bonifacio, upon whose head he has set a price, offering a good recompense to the one who will present him dead or alive, for he says that he cannot consent to such a desertion after he had been the principal promoter of the popular rebellion”. From the statement of Pedro Gonzalez previously quoted.

20See foot-note page 114.

21The head offices of the La Democracia in Manila are situated on Calle Villalobos, a name which put into English signifies wolf village. For the headquarters of such a scurrilous sheet and for such a political party no better place could be found, for taking the two at their very best they are veritable “wolves in sheep’s clothing”.

22See page 60.

23Nilad is the name of a plant, from which is derived the name of Manila.

24In an interesting pamphlet entitled “Vexata Questio”, giving a brief sketch of three centuries of history in the Philippines, published in Manila in 1901, the author, in a foot note to page 28, says of Foreman:

“It should be remarked that this writer, in the first edition of his work, claims to be an earnest Catholic. Dean Worcester, who copies from Foreman’s book some of the most drivelling paragraphs, lays particular stress upon this fact. I leave it to the common sense of any one who has read Foreman’s history, or what Worcester stoops so low to copy therefrom, whether a man whose Alpha and Omega is truly anti-Catholic and often anti-christian, and the ink of whose pen savors of Catholic blood shed upon the altars of Freemasonry can be a Catholic, at least an honorable one.”

Foreman was a traveller in machinery and as such was enabled to get to all the principal parts of the Archipelago. He was, as he himself confesses, always well received in the pueblos, and greeted by the parish priests (friars) and lodged in the convents free of cost. Although Foreman did not perform vile practical jokes upon unsuspecting and inoffensive hosts as did the now “commissioner” Worcester in his travels, he did many things no honorable man would have done. Although he professed himself a Catholic it was only for “business” purposes; one has only to read the preface to his book to find that out.

Foreman was an Englishman, disliked by the English, despised by everyone he came in contact with; and if the things said of him by his intimate acquaintances, are true, then he well deserved the snubs he has lately received all round.

On the 17th of April 1899, before the members of the Schurman Commission, Neil Macleod testified of Foreman, as follows:

Questioned by Worcester:

Q. Have you read Foreman’s book?

A. Yes; I know him personally.

Q. Was he a Catholic?

A. I do not know.

Q. He says so?

A. Yes.

Q. He is an engineer, isn’t he?

A. He has been here frequently travelling all over the country, selling machinery.

Q. You know he attacks the Church?

A. He attacks the church very much, and he ought to be very thankful to the priests, for they have been very good to him; …

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

considering that he availed himself of their services and hospitality all over the country, he should have thought twice before putting a thing like that (his history) into print.”

Worcester was fishing for trout and caught a crab. He got enough and the subject … suddenly changed.

25See Appendix G.

26Philippinos: insular Spaniards, or Spaniards born in the Philippines. Filipino: more commonly known as indio: that is, an indian native of the Archipelago.

27For this decree see Appendix H.

28He was conducted from calle Iris blindfolded in a quilez (a vehicle of the country) to a house which he later on discovered to be that of Bonifacio, situated in calle Oroquieta.

29In an official letter of the Grand Secretary of the Oriente Español to the Lodge Nilad, dated Madrid 8th of June 1892, the secretary, warning the said lodge to be careful in the performance of its labors says: “… not all men, although they profess our ideas and doctrines, serve for good masons.”

30“The oath bound (the Katipuneros) as well as the militares (the rebel army) were to be supported and equipped by several wealthy persons of Manila, among them D. Francisco Roxas who was in charge of the maintenance of the rebel army.” Testimony of 2nd Lieut Benedicto Nijaga y Polonio. (fols. 222–224)

31See Appendix I.

32Wildman will probably be long remembered by many who suffered brutalities and tortures at the hands of Aguinaldo’s horde of cut-throats, inspired by the late Consul’s advise.

Correspondence took place between Aguinaldo and Wildman concerning the Spanish prisoners. In reply to a request of the Dictator, Wildman wrote:

“Never mind feeding them. A meal every day, of course, and water will be a good diet. They have been living too high during the last few years. As the Spaniards want more bloodshed in the Philippines, I trust you will let them have a taste of real war. Do not be so tender with them, etc., etc.”

Little did Wildman think that the day would come when these words of his would inspire equal or greater barbarity against his own countrymen.

The publication of the valuable papers in Wildman’s possession at the time of his death in the shipwreck which occurred almost at the very door of his home would doubtless throw much light upon the past four years of Philippine history. The shipment of tons upon tons of ammunition, a large shipment of which left London on the “Inaba Maru,” on the 25th of September 1899, addressed to the “American Consul”, Hong-Kong, have yet to be accounted for.

33There were always plenty of funds, but the money too often stuck to the fingers of those who had the handling of it.

34A name given among Spaniards, to young servant boys or girls. The word signifies servant and is used as such in the same manner as in British Oriental colonies the word boy is used,—irrespective of age.

35Nipa.—Nipa fructificans.—Nipa is a small palm which grows in salt water. From it the natives make a species of wine and vinegar, whilst its leaves serve to thatch their houses. It is one of the plants of most utility to the indian.

36The reason for Rizal’s deportation is set forth clearly in the decree of Deportation which is given entire in Appendix.

37As a sample of these statements I will quote the following document, which is one of a number copied from a book of decrees received by the Revolutionary authorities of the pueblo of Mendez Nuñez, province of Cavite,

“K. K. K.” “Chiefs of each pueblo”

“In the urgent letter received to-day from the General (Aguinaldo) concrete notice is given that to-day there have anchored the warships proceeding from Japan to our assistance, and it is said, that they are now just on the other side of the island of Corregidor….”

This document is dated 11th September 1896, and is signed by El capitan comandante, Crisòstomo Riel.

38What a fine president he would have made for the Federal Party! Castañeda was worthy of an office in the Ayuntamiento with a sign over the door—Hon. Juan Castañeda, Native Commissioner.

39Ambrosio Flores: (bro∴ musa) was the Gr∴ Pres∴ of the Gr∴ Cons∴ Reg∴ of the Philippines. (See note 23)—Moises Salvador stated of him in his declaration (fols. 1,138–1,143), in reply to a question as to the manner in which Flores was affiliated to filibusterism, that “by reason of his high position in freemasonry, he aided the ends of the filibusters, making propaganda among those affiliated to the lodges.” He stated, at the same time that Flores, in no concept, formed part of the Liga or Compromisarios. It was Ambrosio Flores who, at the opportune moment let fall the masonic sledge hammer upon the back of Pedro Serrano, charging him with being a traitor (see note 12) to the cause.

40I have frequently quoted the “Memoria” of Isabelo de los Reyes, because I consider that whilst in it he exaggerates and lies considerably, there are yet points upon which what he says has all the probability of the truth, in as much as when he finds it pays to tell the truth he tells it. In this particular point, however, it is “according to what is said.”

41How much this reminds me of the story of the little boy who went to the grocer’s and asked for 10 cents worth of molasses. The shop-keeper measured out the molasses into the jug and asked the little boy for the dime, receiving the reply: “its at the bottom of the jug.” And that’s just where the other little boy’s money would have been.

42In the official extract of advice given by the Secret Service to the Gov. Gen. Blanco, we read: “Aug 1. Notice is hereby given that, by references from Japan, the Gov. Gen. has received from the Emperor of that nation some messages which had been directed to him by some 22,000 Filipinos in representation of the native inhabitants of these islands, and in the which, after congratulating him for his triumphs over the Chinese Empire, asks his protection and shelter for this Archipelago, and its annexation to the Japanese Empire.”

43The word Kongo signifies Imperial diamond.

44The Bazar Japonés situated in Plaza Moraga.

45Typical of the heads of the twelve apostles of filibusterism.

46In his “Memoria”.

47I am inclined to differ somewhat with this opinion. What is more probable is that as regards the actual membership there existed a gulf between the wealthy and the lower classes which was bridged by the representatives of either association. I have not come across any concrete evidence that the two elements really mixed, the one with the other; the inborn pride of the Chinese half caste, the class from which, the majority of the wealthy elements came, and of the indio of money or political “pull”, would not permit such a mixture of the two associations Señor Valdés supposes.

48See appendix A.

49See note 56; also foot-note, page 180.

50The witness might have added that Blanco as a mason did more than “know” of it: he took no steps to counter-act it, till circumstances demanded that harsh measures should be taken to maintain national honor.

51In plain English, this is a lie and no one could know it better than the witness.

52By an element. Even would-be-president Bryan has his followers here.

53In other words: he allowed a certain wealthy and influential class of people to lead him around wherever they would, by the nose.

54This statement is the result of either ignorance or malice. (See note 97, 98.) This account also materially differs from the “faked up” story of Legarda. How little some people know of the truth when they do not wish to tell it!

55This is another. Now that Tavera and Legarda are side by side in the U. S. Commission they might compare their testimony with advantage: it might aid them to preserve somewhat of the truth in future.

56It would be interesting to know just how many of the late insurgents who now hold position of importance under the Government, are following up this piece of advice of Aguinaldo.

57Domestic: i. e., made for household use, for cutting up meat, cutting down bamboos, and in fact for every use for which a knife or chopper is needed.

58Castillo y Jimenez; El Katipunan ó el filibusterismo en Filipinas: pp. 128–129.

59That is men of the lower classes, laborers.

60It is difficult to determine whether such statements are due to ignorance or to malice. The real truth of the situation is that although the friar came to the Philippines to perform sacerdotal duties and preach the Gospel, his beneficial influence was not confined to the mere preaching of the Gospel. “What most honors the whole membership past and present of the Religious Orders is the intense zeal shown in the temporal as well as the spiritual welfare of their parishioners. To merely defeat and drive out the bad that was in them was not sufficient, for Satan finds mischief for idle hands, and when one devil is driven out of a man he roams around seeking other devils with whom he returns and re-enters the soul and “the last state of that man becomes worse than the first.” So to thoroughly carry out their christianizing and civilizing purpose they did their best to instruct their converts to occupy their time in the fields, in the building of houses, of churches, of structures of all kinds necessary. They taught them to be self-supporting and to build up happy homes around them. The few industries, if the little then done by the natives in the way of manual labor can be classed as industry, that existed among the people at that time were copied from the Chinese and Mohammedan traders who visited and traded with them. These industries however were but crude as a rule; and moreover the connection with these anti-christian influences had to be cut for the moral protection of the indian and therefore the friar missionary, ever on the alert for his children’s welfare, instructed them in industries which, whilst occupying their time formerly spent in abject laziness, also gave them the advantage of money making.

“As soon as the natives had become accustomed to living after the manner of civilized beings, the friars taught them the art of making lime, mortar and bricks and of utilizing these materials in buildings and fortifications for the common protection against their enemies. They instructed them in the method of tilling the virgin and fertile soil, of utilizing the many streams of water that nature had provided.”

And yet there are those who would make us believe that the friar missionary has done nothing to civilize the Filipinos. To whom then do they owe the civilization they enjoy?

61Faith in their anting-anting; courage to maltreat and murder the helpless and sometimes dying prisoners that fell into their hands; and as to constancy…? The majority of the leaders eventually became traitors to the most cherished ideas of independence. Three figures alone stand out as really constant throughout the whole rebellion, and these three are Aguinaldo, Mabini, and Pio del Pilar; and of these three the most constant was Aguinaldo, a misguided man who deserves far more honor than those who deserted him and who never thought of raising a finger to alleviate his hard lot, a lot for which they are morally responsible.

62A kind of altar on which bonfires are lighted for illumination.

63The name of this plant signifies that it possesses the power to bring to life again—to resuscitate.

64This granting of pardon to those who should present themselves is contained in Art. 7. of the proclamation of the Governor General Blanco, issued on the 30th of August 1896, and which reads as follows:

“Art. 7. The rebels who present themselves to the authorities within 48 hours after the publication of this proclamation, shall be exempt from punishment for rebellion, with the exception of the chiefs of the seditious groups and those who relapse into those crimes. The chiefs to whom reference is made shall be pardoned of the punishment due them if they surrender within the fixed time suffering a punishment immediately inferior according to grade.”

[Contents] Special Note. The reader’s attention is called to paragraph 3 on the following page of the text (p. 47).

Apart from the Councils spoken of in this and the former paragraphs there were others formed at a later date. These were more properly variations and were as follows:

Trozo: Popular Council Maypagasa with four sections, Dapitan, Silang̃anan, Dimasagaran, and Dimas-Alang.

Palomar: Popular Council Pinkian with two sections.

Tondo: Council Katagalugan with the sections Katutuhanan, Kabuhayan, Pagtibayan, Kaling̃aan and Bagong-sinag under the presidency of Alejandro Santiago, Braulio Rivera, Hilarion Cruz, Cipriano Pacheco, Nicolás Rivera and Deogracias Fajardo.

Conception and Dilao (Paco): the Council Mahaganti presided over by Rafael Gutiérrez; and the sections Panday and Ilog, with a delegation in Ermita.

In Cavite was the popular Council Kawit the president of which was Emilio Aguinaldo1 the capitan municipal of the pueblo of [274]Cavite Viejo and later on the dictator of the Filipino Commune. This Council comprehended Imus, Noveleta, Silang, Naic, Maragondon and other pueblos. Imus was presided over by Juan Castañeda, Noveleta by Alejandro Crisóstomo.

Signature of Aguinaldo.

In Bacoor was a Popular Council presided over by Genaro Valdes with three sections Dimagpatantan (not to leave in peace), Ditutugutan (not to rest till the end is reached), and Pananginginigan (formidable).

Note 93. The Kalayaan was intended to be a monthly review. Its first number consisted of thirty-two pages in quarto. The price of each number was 50c (Mexican). It was a most rabid anti-Spanish publication and advocated separatism openly, and yet in spite of the press censorship it circulated freely in the Archipelago.

As the common belief was that this paper was published in Japan, as would appear from the paper itself, General Blanco decided [276]to send a special delegate to Japan to investigate the matter of its impression, its publishers, authors, etc., that steps might be taken to put a stop to its impression or at least that a check be put on its entry and circulation into the Philippines. Don Alfredo Villeta was chosen; but on account of some hitch in the arrangements, he never started on his errand. Some say that the paper did not reach its second number, but it is certain that it did not reach its third.

The heading was as under:

Kalayaan

Issued at the end of each month.

1st year. Yokohama. January 1896. No. 1. Price of subscription, 3 months 1 peso; in advance. Articles must be signed by their authors. If purchased will cost 2 reales per number. The headings of the principal articles were as follows:

To the Compatriots.

Manifesto; by Dimas-Alang (José Rizal.)[277]

What the indian ought to know and understand; by Agapito Bagumbayan.

This latter article is a mirror in which the purpose of the paper is reflected; it reads remarkably like a composition of Pedro Paterno, the visionary who claims for the peoples of the Archipelago a glorious pre-Spanish history and civilization. The following citations from the article will give some idea of the whole publication.

“In these islands, which were previously cared for by our true neighbors of Malaysia at a time when the Spaniards had not as yet set foot upon the land, there existed a complete abundance and a state of welfare. Our friends the neighboring kingdoms, and especially Japan, brought commerce to our shores which formed the most abundant market, and there was found everything necessary, wherefore it was the richest country and its customs were all very good3. Everyone, youths and advanced in years and even the women, could read and write according to our manner of script.”[278]

The article goes on to say that upon the arrival of the Spaniards the natives only made friends with them after that Legazpi had performed the ceremonies of the pacto-de-Sangre4 with one of the indio petty sovereigns.

“The Spaniards,” says the writer, “have perverted us with their bad customs and have destroyed and obliged us to forget the noble and beautiful customs of our country.”

Noble and beautiful customs: Compulsory defloration of young girls, as a result of the belief that a girl who died a virgin could not enter heaven! Could anything be more noble and beautiful?

Kalayaan purported to be and was always considered as the soul of the defunct Solidaridad (see note 24). It was printed in the Tagalog dialect and died, as it was born and had lived—in shame.[279]

Note 94. Pio Valenzuela testified (fols. 582–591) that on the 22nd of August he was informed by Josefa Dizon that her son José together with Bonifacio had fled from Manila. Valenzuela thereupon fled also, following them, and reaching Caloocan about 8 p. m. There he found Bonifacio with some twenty others. Andrés informed them that they must not separate as it was now time to commence the armed rebellion, the plot of the Katipunan having been discovered. From Caloocan they went to Balintauac arriving about 11 p. m. Here they met a certain Laong with a group of men. They remained in the pueblo Sunday, Monday and Tuesday preparing for the onslaught they were to make upon the Spaniards, which was fixed for the 29th of the same month, the plans being that they should advance in groups upon Manila, killing the Spaniards and also the indians and Chinese who refused to follow them, “dedicating themselves to the sacking of the city, robbery and incendiarism and to the violation of women.” Many Chinese were murdered and their stores robbed.

Whilst in the fields of Balintauac distribution was made of bolos and ten revolvers, the latter stolen from the Maestranza [280]of Manila. On Tuesday evening preparations were made to meet the attack of the Spanish troops which had been sent out in persecution of the rebels, and the first conflict took place. Valenzuela also stated that the greater part of the people who formed the rebel forces were drawn, catechised and initiated all in a moment by the fanatic Laong, who was practically the active chief of the revolt, and who directed in person the attack upon the Chinese stores.

About 5 pm. on the 29th five hundred men under a “leader of Pasig” appeared on the scene at the waterworks. They at once took possession of the building and of the persons of the workmen. Their first intention was to stop the machinery so that no one need be left in charge thereof when orders should be received for a start for Manila. The engineer however, reminded the chief that if such a thing was done their brethren in Manila would die of thirst. This excuse carried the day and the chief decided to leave some workmen there under the condition that the engineer and others who wore moustaches should shave, and that all should dress like indians, and that the engineer’s wife should dress like a native woman [281]and prepare food for his men. The party finally set out on their way. They tried to avoid an encounter with the troops composed of artillery and infantry, 65 men in all, stationed at the powder works. In avoiding this handful of defenders they fell afoul of other troops which gave them a good sharp reception.

As to those who, repenting, desired to return to a legal status, it is difficult to form an opinion, on account of the contrary evidence adduced in connection therewith. Isabelo de los Reyes already cited, in a futile attempt to justify the acts of the Katipuneros, claims that some of the chiefs opposed the plan of the armed resistance as contained in the propositions of Bonifacio, claiming that it would be a great and useless sacrifice, to say nothing of the imprudence of such an act, to launch forth against an armed force without possessing better arms than a few bolos and lances. He claims that Bonifacio listened to the advice and was on the point of acting upon it, but was compelled to take the step he did in declaring the revolt, by the attitude of his 500 followers. The authority for this statement was Pedro Nicodemus, who was the commander of the said [282]group, a man who was as ignorant as he was blood-thirsty.

Further on Isabelo states that “in the famous reunion of Balintauac, in the solemn moment of the breaking forth of the revolt (August, 26th 1896) Andrés Bonifacio as president of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan, explained that the plot had been discovered, and that in order to save those who were compromised and who had not up to that time been arrested, it was necessary to launch forth to the fight, although the arms with which they should fight had not yet arrived from Japan.”

Granted however the character of Bonifacio, his aims and the methods he adopted to carry out his ideas, such an excuse as that of Reyes argue but little in pro of the good judgement or better said the good faith of its author. Bonifacio was anxious for the first blow of the revolt to be struck that he might not lose the confidence of those who had intrusted him with the undertaking and who had been fooled into the idea that the Katipunan forces were so powerful that nothing could resist their onward course once they had been started on their way. And to suppose that Bonifacio [283]was to be so easily influenced by a few petty chiefs is to show a complete ignorance of the character of the hero of the Katipunan. If the opposition of the said petty chiefs really occurred it was probably inspired more by fear of the consequences than by the true spirit of repentance, for if the cruelties and abuses said to have been committed by the Spaniards were the cause of the revolt, what need was there of such a repentance?

The prestige enjoyed by Bonifacio among the katipuneros was natural enough, in as much as he was the father of the Katipunan, the illegitimate offspring of filipino freemasonry, itself a legitimate child of the Spanish family of universal freemasonry.

“The Katipunan,” says the author of an exposition to Congress, dated 1900 and published at the printing office of the El Liberal, “the worthy and legitimate5 child of Andrés Bonifacio, was founded in his [284]own house in calle Sagunto (Tondo) between six and seven in the evening of the 7th of July 1892. Andrés Bonifacio gathered together his best friends, Teodoro Plata, Valentin Díaz, Ladislao Dina, Deodato Arellano, and Ildefonso Laurel, to whom he proposed the necessity of the creation of that Superior Association of the Sons of the People, whose only aim should be that of the independence of the people under a Spanish protectorate or in default of that, of Japan. Those assembled took to the idea with great enthusiasm and at once commenced the propaganda of the same.

Note 95.

The savage manner how the Katipunan treated their Religious prisoners shows the state of fanaticism and moral degradation of the Katipunan.

Disrespect for all authority and the clergy was one of the chief fruits of the work of propaganda carried on by Rizal and the separatist element

As fanaticism increased, this want of respect [285]became more intense and eventually led to a thirst for the blood of those whose greatest crime was the excessive favor they had extended to the indian, to whom such a thing as gratitude was unknown6.

The intention of the Katipuneros was the annihilation of the Spaniards, irrespective of class or condition. The parish priest being the strongest support of the administration was the target for the bitterest treatment at the hands of the rebels.

Their clergy victims were saturated with petroleum and burned alive.

Fear was entertained for the safety of of several Dominican Fathers who held parishes near by, and therefore P. Buenaventura Campa, P. Francisco Cabeñas and fray Natalio Esparza immediately set out in search for them. Regardless of the great risk they ran in falling into the hands of the bloodthirsty Katipuneros, these three heroic Dominicans casting aside all thought for self and all care for their own welfare7 set out [287]for Naic in the steam launch Mariposa.

Difficulties were encountered from the start. The native captain and engineer conspired to prevent the carrying out of the attempted rescue.

P. Buenaventura calling up the refractory captain told him that he and his companions were firm in their purpose and that progress must be made. The captain pleaded inability for want of coal. Then hoist the sails, said P. Campa. There are none replied the captain.

Then take my habit and those of my companions and make sails of them, thundered the Padre. The captain gave in and the journey was continued. Naic was reached; they failed to find their companions but were in time to save the unfortunate wife and children of Lieut. Perez Herrero; they discovered them barefooted and wellnigh mad with terror, dressed in native clothes and hidden in a nipa shack. P. Galo Minguez, parish priest of Naic, Padres Nicolás Peña and José Digne and the laybrothers Saturnino García and José Pedida had succeeded in escaping from the [288]clutches of the rebellious Tagalogs, having fled to Labay from whence they made their way to Corregidor, meeting there those who had come to seek them in the Mariposa.

The Augustinian Father P. Piernavieja was another victim to fanaticism. This Father has been termed medio loco8 and in all truth he was so if the possession of a presence of mind such as that shown by P. Piernavieja is to be termed craziness.

True it is that he was at times gifted with a strange turn of mind. He had, during the many years he administered the parish, established therein a christian communism. When the revolt broke out he was held as a prisoner and obliged to invest himself with the authority of an Archbishop.

Had the revolt prospered and P. Piernavieja lived, undoubtedly he would have been made Archbishop of Manila by the Tagalog discontents. P. Piernavieja was shrewd enough to take well to his new office. He was once called upon to anoint the chiefs and rulers, as the kings and emperors of olden time were anointed by the Church. Padre Piernavieja told them that olive oil was not suitable for such a purpose and therefore proceeded to anoint them with cocoanut oil such as is used by the natives for their lamps!

Under pretext of his office of Bishop this strange old man claimed liberty to make his pastoral visits and when he succeeded in securing this liberty which was readily granted to him, he overran all that part of the province in the hands of the insurgents, secretly collecting all kinds of information, which he immediately sent his superiors in Manila. This information reached the military authorities and would have become of utility to them for the carrying out of the campaign had it been prosecuted as a military campaign should have been. But the Padre’s messenger was eventually captured with messages in his possession. When questioned as to the source of the information, and where he was taking it, he told all, and as a result Padre Piernavieja was condemned to death as a traitor to a cause to which he had never held allegiance. As a punishment he was tied to a tree exposed to the burning rays of the tropical sun, and thus left to the mercy of the voracious birds and insects, [290]dying of hunger, thirst and of terror in the midst of inconceivable torments.

Padre David Veras, Dominican, was another of the many victims of the Katipuneros. He was the parish priest of the pueblo of Hermosa in the province of Bataan. When the insurgents attacked the pueblo they captured P. David, and after cutting off both his hands, dragged him to the most distant of the ten barrios of that pueblo, and there hacked him to death with bolos and hatchets mutilating his body in a horrible manner, and throwing the corpse on to a dung heap.

In the early dawn of the 25th of December 1896, in Morong province of Bataan, Padre Domingo Cabrejas, Recolet, was murdered at the altar while offering up the holy sacrifice of the Mass, his blood staining the sacred linen and the steps of the altar. The katipunero murderers hurriedly hid the body in the church and fled.

Padre José Sanjuan, also Recolet and parish priest of Bagac was another victim. To name all those who suffered barbarous treatment at the merciful hands of the insurgents would be a well-nigh impossible task. Recalling the acts of those fanaticised sectarians, one might almost recall the [291]barbarities and brutalities of the diabolical Nero. Certainly the ancient Chinese and Japanese were scarcely more excessive in their treatment of the unfortunate missionaries they tortured in their attempt to stamp out the christian faith; and even the Chinese boxers of our days could have taken lessons from the disciples of Filipino freemasonry. Many, many are the unfortunate missionaries whose blood cries to heaven for vengeance and this vengeance of the God of Justice will one day fall upon this people. Even in our own days we cannot shut our eyes to the fact of the existence of the well marked track of the hand of Divine Justice as it passes here and there throughout the land, calling now upon this one, now upon that, to pay his debt even to the last farthing. The track of the finger of God has been remarkably distinct in this archipelago and many are the cases in which that finger moving slowly and silently along has pointed out the unfruitful tree which the scythe of death shall cut down.

“For I the Lord thy God am a jealous God; visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children until the third and fourth generation.”[292]

Note 96. Some there are who see in every event which takes place, the protecting or avenging hand of Providence. Others there are who laugh to scorn the idea that Providence should concern itself in such matters.

The hand of Providence surely has manifested itself of late in this archipelago, here protecting the one from a cruel torture, there permitting the sacrifice of a martyr to the faith or a martyr to duty and honor, and the integrity of the Spanish nation. Here giving one over to a just punishment, there pointing out another as an object for Divine vengeance.

Is proof needed perhaps that the finger of the avenging hand of Divine justice has left its well-marked path in the Philippines? Then we have a notable case before us. A few months ago, a steamer, the Rio de Janeiro, left the Orient bound for the port of San Francisco, Cal. Within sight of the city, almost within sight of the crowds who stood upon the wharf in expectation of the ship’s arrival, the good vessel, by the will of God who rules over all things, went to the bottom, carrying with her, among other passengers, a man who was morally and physically [293]responsible for the greater part of the barbarities practiced upon the long suffering Spanish prisoners, Religious, Civil and Military, at the hands of the Tagalog revolutionists. With that man disappeared from the land of the living his whole family, together with state and private papers of unknown value. How often before in the past history of the world has the God of Justice obliterated whole families and even whole nations!

And who shall say that the hand of Divine Justice has not protected as well as avenged. For many months the katipuneros had woven a fine-meshed net around the Spanish population of the Philippines, a labor the more easily accomplished in the same degree as the scandalous carelessness of the Blanco administration became more and more marked. Blanco himself was a freemason9 and was always, like our present [294]civil administration, surrounded by friends of his own choice, people who at no time suffered from an excess of patriotism; and the few honorable exceptions which did exist were, unfortunately, persons whose good moral influence was powerless to better a situation which day by day became worse10.

This net already woven was set, and it needed but the given signal for its string to be tightly drawn and the unsuspecting [295]prey would immediately fall into its folds, to be redeemed only by a barbarous, cruel death. But providence is merciful as well as just, and in her own time opened up a way of escape for the coveted prize of the katipunero savages. This opening was no other than Teodoro Patiño, himself a member of the diabolical society, the plot of which he was to reveal.

Patiño was one of the many compositors in the printing establishment of the Diario de Manila. He was an indian of but little importance both as regards his abilities as a workman or as a katipunero: he was one of the thousands of unknowns from which have sprung so many of those sadly famous ignorantes and others of our own days. But he was destined to act an important part in the society to which he belonged: a part however not in the programme of proceedings drawn up by the society.

A discussion took place one day as to the subscription the said Patiño should pay into the common funds of the society, and heated words passed between him and his companions on the subject. From words they came to blows; and as Patiño was one against many he came out of the tussle [296]second best, having received a good sound thrashing for daring to differ from the majority. To satisfy his injured feelings he looked around him for some one from whom he could expect sympathy, and he bethought himself of his sister who was a pupil of the College of Mandaloya, under the care of the Augustinian Nuns. To his sister he repaired and to her he told his tale of woe, making mention at the same time of a certain society to which he and his assailants belonged.

The sister startled by what her brother related, questioned him closely, as only a woman can question when she wishes to get to the bottom of anything. Having been a pupil of the Augustinian Nuns for a considerable time and preserving in her heart sentiments of gratitude little known among the peoples of the Archipelago, she was much hurt to hear of the plans mapped out by the Katipunan for the brutal destruction of those who had always been so good and kind to her and her brother. And before Patiño could tell all his tale, his sister had bidden him good-bye and gone off in search of the Mother Superior of the College, to whom she immediately told all she knew of the affair. The two women trembling [297]with fear for the safety of the lives of so many hundreds of innocent victims, hurriedly sought the presence of the Rev. Padre Mariano Gil, Augustinian, and parish priest of Tondo. This Rev. Father, realizing the enormity of the Katipunan plot, advised them to send Patiño to him without delay.

Patiño presented himself at the convento and underwent a close examination at the hands of Padre Mariano. At first little progress was made, as Patiño feared both the anger of the authorities and that of his fellow katipuneros, who would doubtless take revenge upon him according to the laws of the society, for his tale-telling. And in spite of the fact that he tried at every turn to avoid telling the naked truth, and to escape here and there by professions of ignorance, he eventually manifested to P. Mariano Gil all he knew of the society, of its plans and of its resources. After a long and tedious conversation, the patriotic Augustinian was gratified with the knowledge of where to lay his hands upon hidden documents etc., which would throw much light upon the purposes of the society of cut-throats. P. Gil immediately set to work to disclose the hidden secrets.[298]

“Without losing a moment,” writes P. Mariano Gil, to a friend who had asked of him the true story of what took place on that memorable occasion, “I sent notice to the Lieut. of the Veterana of this sub-division, D. José Cortés, to whom in the presence of the denouncer, Patiño, I communicated the most necessary data, giving him at the same time the names of all those persons in the printing establishment who were compromised, commencing with the two who signed the receipts, Policarpo Tarla and Braulio Rivera, indicating to him the manner of procedure for the detention of all those complicated.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

… “I decided, confiding in God, to go alone to the printing establishment, at a time when none of the workmen should be present.”

The writer goes on to explain how he made known his mission to D. Ramón Montes and two other Spaniards who, astonished at the news, aided in the search for the documents, stones etc. After a half hour’s search the lithographic stone was discovered, and like a tiger springing upon its prey, the zealous son of St. Augustine pounced [299]upon it, as though he feared that the very roof of the building should fall in upon it and bury it beneath its rubbish out of reach of his hands. A proof was taken from the said stone, of the Katipunero receipts, and P. Gil immediately set off in the direction of the Veterana of Tondo where he met Patiño, who recognized the receipt as authentic, and two hours later the Patriotic Augustinian saw his efforts crowned with the confession of guilt of the delinquents, the two previously named, figuring at the head of the list. Having performed this, P. Gil humbly wended his way back to his parochial dwelling, satisfied to have been an instrument of divine Providence for the unravelling of one of the most bloodthirsty plots ever invented by the perverse mind of embruted mankind.

At midnight was discovered in the locker of Policarpo Tarla, in the same place, a dagger, the regulations of the Katipunan and several documents having connection with the said society, all of which, together with the famous lithographic stone, were handed over by Sr. Montes to the Veterana.

On the following day P. Gil discovered [300]in the house of one of his parishioners a dagger identical to the one mentioned, also several receipts in Tagalog with the key of the symbolic language in which they were printed.

“This”, affirms P. Gil, “is the truth of the discovery.”

There can be little doubt that Patiño was directly inspired more by the thrashing he received than by providence, although it is not possible to deny that the thrashing and the consequent divulging of the secrets of the Katipunan were providential. And as regards to his repentance, I doubt judging from the character of the average indian, whether he really felt repentant till the enormity of the crime to which he was an abettor was brought home to him by P. Mariano Gil. Be that as it may. The ways of Providence are hidden from us and we can seldom see, with our human eyes, more than the actions of the human reason. Yet the truth remains, that whether directly or indirectly inspired by providence it was Patiño’s action which saved Spain “from an unending series of bitter experiences.”[301]

Note 97. What has, up to this present, been written concerning these stirring events has been taken chiefly from the reports made by Gen. Blanco to Sr. Canovas. Whether from ignorance or from malice, these reports contained about as many errors as words. From these Sr. Diaz evidently took the statement that the sister of Patiño was a pupil in the College of Looban, whereas P. Mariano Gil himself states that it was that known as the Orphan Asylum for Girls at Mandaloya.

Note 98. The following sketch of P. Mariano Gil is taken from the Heraldo de Madrid which in its number of the 6th October 1896, said:

“P. Gil was born in Carreon de los Condes (Palencia) on the 2nd of July 1849. Whilst still young he entered the Augustinian College of Valladolid. His studies concluded, he passed to the Philippines where he filled the duties of parish priest in several Tagalog pueblos. Till recently he has been holding the position of parish priest of Tondo, a suburb of Manila. He was fortunate enough to discover the plot of the insurrection on the 19th of August last, [302]denouncing it at an opportune moment. The Spaniards gathered in manifestation to the palace of the Governor General; Sr. Blanco did not condescend to receive them and they therefore went at once to pay their respects to P. Gil and the Archbishop, both of whom congratulated them for their patriotic attitude. A newspaper of Manila, El Español, published the picture of the parish priest of Tondo; but scarcely had the first copies of the paper appeared on the street, than General Blanco ordered their suppression, commanding that a new edition be printed omitting the said picture and the laudatory phrases which the El Español had dedicated to the eminent Augustinian, from this time a note-worthy patriot to whom the public did a justice which General Blanco either did not know how, or did not wish to do him.”

Speaking of this patriotic Padre, Sr. Castillo y Jimenez11 says:

“His character is gruff; he asks nothing, he demands; he does not beseech, he asks; and what he demands and asks is just and lawful, because it bears in its essence the [303]benefit of mankind, aiding the unfortunate, warding off their dangers, delivering them from the attacks which envy and vengeance might deal out to pacific and humble people. He is inflexible with the reprobate and disloyal, magnanimous with those who have been deceived; proud with the haughty and humble with the weak, and in his generous life has wiped away many tears, distributed much bread to the poor, and many times proportioned assistance to the needy that they should not fall into want.”

The good work done in the discovery of the diabolical plot of the Katipunan, has very naturally been the object of a great amount of bitter criticism at the hands of the separatist element, which has never pardoned the valiant Augustinian for springing their carefully laid traps. He was denounced in the lodge rooms of Filipino freemasonry, from one of which was despatched a letter directed to him and bearing his picture, as will be seen in the accompanying illustration. His discovery was depreciated and belittled, and made to appear a farce. His patriotism was called into question and his very life was placed in imminent danger.[304]

However the torrents of lies that have poured forth against him have not, and can not obliterate the truth.

Isabelo de los Reyes to belittle the labors of discovery of P. Gil, affirms that Antonio Luna notified Blanco of the existence of the association previous to the discovery of P. Gil. Be that as it may; the secret police had also notified Blanco of what was going on. Three times did the Archbishop of Manila do the same, and so also did the other prelates of Manila and Prior of the Convent of Guadalupe, and Lieut. Sityer12. But this does not lessen the value of Padre Gil’s discovery, but rather adds to its importance. For whilst Blanco was sufficiently posted on the matter to be able to judge of the necessity of taking immediate proceedings, [305]there was wanting that healthy stimulus which was given by P. Gil. A stubborn carbuncle often needs the aid of the lance: P. Gil’s discovery was the lance which brought to the surface the putrid matter which nature could not, of herself, eject. This putrid matter extending itself, would have brought about the mortification of the whole body, had not the surgeon applied his lance in good time. And although the lance of the surgeon brought pain to the patient it saved her for the time, giving back to her a state of relative health.

Note 99. The first executions which took place were those of four rebels captured in flagrante in San Juan del Monte. These were Sancho Valenzuela, Eugenio Silvestre, Modesto Sarmiento and Ramón Peralta. Of these Valenzuela was the only one of any importance. Sarmiento was a cabeza de barangay13 of Santa Ana where he owned a small nipa house which he rented out, performing at the same time the office of cook and house boy to the tenant. [306]On the way to execution he met his tenant-master and, in a nonchalant manner, greeted him with as pleasant a Buenos dias Señor, as if he were on the way to some joyous function or a grand “meet” at the cock-pit. Before his execution Valenzuela also showed a spirit of coolness and serenity, signing his last will and testament with a firm hand, and smiling. Both showed the spirit of men thoroughly fascinated by some superior power, neither realizing the crime they had committed nor the punishment they were to undergo.

The second execution took place in Cavite, thirteen rebels being shot. These were Francisco Osorio, Maximo Inocencio, Luis Aguado, Victoriano Luciano, Hugo Pérez, José Lallana, Antonio San Agustin, Agapito Conchu, Feliciano Cabuco, Mariano Gregorio, Eugenio Cabezas and two constables of the public prison of the province. These constables had pressed into their traitorous service a number of the muchachos of the prison. Francisco Osorio was a very wealthy Chinese half-caste. He had been honored by Spain with several honors, among them the Grand Cross of Carlos III. He was very intimate with the [307]authorities in Cavite. His father, a wealthy Chinee, and his cousin, a doctor, both denounced him at the moment of his execution.

“After the reading of the sentence,” says an eye-witness, “in front of the square which we formed, he commenced to cry, asking pardon of the General and of all Spaniards; he affirmed that he was a Spaniard and that he would never conspire again against the country in which he had been educated, and he cursed the freemasons who in Madrid had initiated him into the hatred of religion and the fatherland. The doctor his cousin, turning to him, said: Silence Osorio! don’t cry so; what will the Spaniards benefit from your repentance; but the miserable fellow paid no attention to him, and asked to be allowed to kiss the Spanish flag before he died. This permission was not granted.”

Maximo Inocencio was the proprietor of a large store and was a contractor to the Arsenal. He had been previously arrested for implication in the revolt in Cavite in 1872. At that time he escaped but was afterwards pardoned; the signal rocket was to be fired from his storehouse in Cavite.

Luis Aguado was also a contractor for the Arsenal.[308]

Victoriano Luciano, a chemist, was a wealthy half-caste who had not lived long in Cavite.

Hugo Pérez, was an indio. He was the venerable of the masonic lodge. In his house were discovered two large photographs in which the majority of the thirteen persons executed were photographed in the form of a triangle; a book with a triangle and other masonic insignia on its front page, and four important letters of anti-Spanish masonic propaganda.

Lallana was a tailor, and some say a peninsular Spaniard. For a while he was chief of police of Cavite and had been a corporal of Marines.

Antonio San Agustin was an indian, a petty merchant and a man who could scarcely bear the sight of a Spaniard.

Agapito Conchu was a master of a primary school, and a half-caste. He had once been detained in the time of Despujols but granted his liberty. Apart from his school, he gave lessons to some of the children of the Spanish families of the town, including the daughter of the Governor of Cavite.

Cabuco was an escribiente14 of the administration [309]of State; and Eugenio Cabezas a watch-tinker.

These executions were followed by that of a member of the Guardia Civil, Mariano Magno, in Nueva Ecija. Magno had always been noted for his lack of obedience to his superiors, his hatred of discipline and ill-feeling in general towards Spaniards. Fifteen others were shot in Iligan on the 28th of October of the same year. Many others suffered the like penalty in different parts of the Archipelago.

Note 100. Those sentenced to deportation were, for the most part, sent to Jolo, Puerta Princesa, Balabac and to the penitentiary colonies.

To the first named place were sent 69 persons of all kinds and conditions, trades and occupations. Among them was a Juan Cuadra, a chemist in Ermita. To Puerta Princesa went 53, and to Balabac 56 both lots well assorted. Those most compromised in the insurrection were sent to Fernando Poo, these numbering some 200. Three hundred more were sent to Mindanao. Among the 200 sent to Fernando Poo were merchants, compositors, silversmiths, book-binders, [310]carriage painters, laundrymen, escribientes, a clerk of the Puerta del Sol on the Escolta, hat-makers, tailors, laborers, students, lawyers and among them the irrepressible jack-in-the-box, Thomas William of the Rosary (Tomas G. del Rosario); telephone operators, school-teachers and three members of the secret police; among the rag and tag of the good-for-nothings, and as chief of them, was the famous translator of the scriptures, Pascual H. Poblete15.

Note 101. Apolinario Mabini was born in the pueblo of Tanauan, province of Batangas, and was the son of parents of the poorer and lower classes. He came to Manila as a lad and received his secondary education in the College of San Juan de Letran at the hands of the Dominican Fathers, taking the degree of professor. Later on he was employed in the Intendencia and by [311]careful saving and by steady application he continued his studies for law and concluded his course at the University of Santo Tomas also at the hands of the Dominicans who spared no efforts on behalf of his success. From the University he received the title of Licentiate of Law in 1895.

He entered the office of the notary Numeriano Adriano to practice law, and whilst there employed, was drawn by Adriano into the net of masonry, joining the lodge Balagtas which was one of those founded from the overflow of the original Filipino lodge Nilad. Adriano was the venerable of the said [312]lodge. When the Liga Filipina was formed and had gotten well into working order Mabini was named a councillor of the superior Council (see page 28). According to the testimony of Moises Salvador (see page 296) Mabini was also secretary of the Association of Compromisarios.

He was arrested as one of the chief instigators of the revolt and after due trial was sentenced to death. The Spanish authorities however, took compassion upon him because of his pitiful condition, he being paralysed in the lower parts of the body17; so instead of including his name in the list [313]of those who expiated their treason on the field of Bagumbayan, they foolishly gave him his liberty.

Once more free, Mabini left Manila for his own pueblo of Tanauan where he lived quietly till Aguinaldo was brought over in 1898 by Admiral Dewey to serve as a bush-beater to the American forces. Mabini was thereupon carried from Tanauan to Cavite where he joined the faithless Magdalo.

In Cavite he drew up a project of a constitutional law for the Philippines. In the first page of this he affirmed that the precepts of the Ten Commandments were [314]an invention of the friars! And yet Mabini was the Filipino Solomon. He instructed the people that they ought not to believe in the said decalogue or practice what it commanded, but that they should only practice the precepts of the Verdadero Decálogo which he prepared and gave to the public as their spiritual guide.

Mabini very soon became radical and decidedly anti-American in his ideas, and succeeded in attaining such moral ascendancy over Aguinaldo that the latter ceased to be the leader of the people and the true dictator of the Filipino republic, becoming [315]a toy in the hands of a man who could twist and turn him here and there at his will.

Mabini refused to take the oath of allegiance and was, on the 7th of January 1901 deported under General Order No. 4 to the island of Guam, as one of the persons “whose acts clearly demonstrate them to be favorers or sympathizers with the insurrection.”

Note 102. The advanced political ideas held and propagated by the separatists were not bad in themselves; no particular objection [316]can be raised against them as political ideas. But when we consider by whom and for whom these “reforms” were asked, we begin to appreciate the necessity to which the indian was put of endeavoring to attain them by armed struggle. Taking away the revolutionary basis upon which the plans of the Liga were raised, nothing remains but the empty walls of a roofless building. These walls or ideas are contained in the plans of reforms drawn up by almost every jackanapes in the Liga who could write down his thoughts with any amount of clearness. These plans agreed upon certain [317]points, chiefly representation in the Spanish parliament and the expulsion of the Religious Orders. These two points appear to have been the essence of the direct aims of the separatists (see p. 69).

Others called for the Spanish constitution with its consequences: the liberty of the press and the liberty of associations. Liberty of the press was ever an unknown quantity in the Philippines. The idea of the liberty of the press is very beautiful when its liberties are not abused; it was the abuse of what little liberty the press enjoyed, in the latter days of Spanish rule, that induced the [318]authorities to impose such a close censure upon it as they did. Whatever may be said in its favor, press censorship and such sedition laws as we enjoy to-day in this nondescript piece of the world’s surface, are more proper of absolute monarchies than of territory of the U. S. of America, although in our particular case we might as well be under the despotic, ever deteriorating rule of Aguinaldo, as that of a body of men whose intentions however good and sincere they may be, fall short, when put into practice, of the proverbial ingenuity in governing, of the famous Sancho Panza in his island of Barataria. Freedom of the [319]press is at times a blessing, and at others a curse. From 1888 to 1896 it would have been more of the latter than of the former; for giving such a liberty to the separatists who asked it, would be arming the enemy with the best arms.

As to liberty of associations. People in the Temperance world often ask themselves, does prohibition prohibit? Some make themselves believe that it does; but practice has shown what common sense tells each and every one of us, that it does not; for if a man (and I do not wish to be so ungallant as to exclude the ladies) cannot get what he wants legally, he as a rule sees that he gets it somehow. And so with the Filipinos who, denied the liberty of association, defied the authorities and held their gatherings in secret and secluded places.

All these various political ideas were decidedly advanced in as much as they had relation to a people in no way prepared to receive them. No father would put a loaded revolver or an open razor into the hands of his child; but those were the very things the separatists were howling for.[320]

1Previous to 1896 Aguinaldo was an almost unknown indio. He was at that time about 23 or 24 years of age, and like the far greater majority of the indios of the archipelago had forgotten what little he had learned at school. He was a lavandero2 for the Arsenal at Cavite, and possessed little command over the Spanish language, speaking it after the Cavite style, de cocina as the Spaniards say. He was the son of Carlos Aguinaldo who had several times held office under the Spanish Government, and who was at heart a bitter anti-Spaniard. Like the remainder of his fellow Tagalogs, Aguinaldo demonstrates a different character in connection with each event which takes place in his life. As capitan municipal in 1896 he was very Spanish in dealing with the authorities, but in dealing with his own people quite the reverse. Like the Taveras, the Legardas and the Buencaminos etc., he was an adept at political lightning changes. Buencamino in one of his absurd articles to the Filipino press (La Independencia, Sept. 6th 1896) speaking of him says: “… all the Filipinos unconditionally obey the president Aguinaldo seeing in him the messenger of God sent to redeem the Filipino people from all foreign domination, and because they see in the said chief the great virtues of fortitude, honor and magnanimity which ought to adorn all saviors of their country.”

The belief among some Filipinos that Aguinaldo was a semi-God was not uncommon at one time, and many hold to it even in these days. A certain Bray (apparently related very closely to the bray of an ass) went a step further in an article to the French Revue de Revues and compared Aguinaldo to Christ, to Alexander the Great, to Mahomet, to Caesar, to Napoleon and others!

Aguinaldo certainly demonstrated fortitude, and did not sell his sword to those he considered his enemies. His misfortune was that he fell into the hands of such advisers as Buencamino and others, who, after working up his stupid pride, deserted him in his hour of need. Aguinaldo showed fortitude and was never a traitor to what he considered the honor of his country. Honor to Aguinaldo in this respect.

2Washerman.

3As to the goodness of customs read the testimony of the most reliable chroniclers and historians of the earliest days of Spanish history.

4The pacto de sangre was performed thus: a wound was made in the body of each person who was to form a party to the treaty about to be made, and the blood that flowed from the wounds thus made was mixed in a receptacle prepared for the occasion; each then drank a portion of the blood thus mixed. It is needless to say that Legaspi refused to perform such a savage, cannibalistic ceremony.

5Worthy perhaps but certainly not legitimate. The Katipunan was illegitimate from all points of view; nor was it a child really of Bonifacio. The conception was of Pilar (Marcelo H.) and Bonifacio was but the foster father encharged with the bringing up of the child.

6A people’s language is the expression of its sentiments. There are in this archipelago, native languages in which no word exists to express “thank you.”

7F. Buenaventura Campa was one of the two Dominican Fathers who willingly devoted themselves to the care of the sufferers stricken with the cholera plague which has carried off so many people both in Manila and the provinces. He, together with his companion, P. Cándido, bore with remarkable patience and self-abnegation the troubles and trials consequent upon the extraordinary plans adopted by an inexperienced Sanitary Department for the treatment of the dread enemy.

8Half mad.

9Juan Utor y Fernandez (bro∴ Espartero) confessed that Blanco was a freemason; he affirmed also that his masonic name was bro∴ Barcelona. Lacasa, Lieut. Auditor of war, and one of the heads of freemasonry in the Philippines declared that among the freemasons of the archipelago was counted Sr. D. Ramon Blanco, Capt Gen. of the Army and Gov. Gen. of the Islands.

10The following interesting notes will give some idea of what the Blanco administration was like.

In the report of the secret police for the 3rd of June 1896, appears the following:—

“Notice is hereby given of the confidential information given by a freemason in respect to the reason why the masonic lodges are at rest, and the attitude of Generals Blanco and Echaluce in regard to the same.

“This freemason, Juan Merchan, says: “we are now sleeping; we cannot work; we are tutored by the experience of the persecution directed against us by General Echaluce. Until General Blanco returns from Mindanao we can do nothing, for he at least does not disturb us, and even helps us. The proof of this is that during the previous voyage to Mindanao (of Blanco) Gen. Echaluce commenced to deport people; but when Blanco got to know of it, he wrote to him ordering him not to deport anyone without his consent, and not to do anything in the matter till his return from Mindanao.”

11El Katipunan, etc.; p. 89.

12Blanco, whether because he was bound by compromise, or because of fear, heeded not the warnings of the approaching danger. As a soldier face to face with an enemy Blanco was not lacking in courage; but when the enemy was invisible, and more tact than courage was needed in the combat, Blanco was like a little child in the dark, frightened at the least sound—chicken hearted. It is certainly a remarkable thing that bro∴ Barcelona had the courage to pass through the ordeals of his initiation into freemasonry.

13The head of a pueblo. The most ancient form of rule in the Archipelago.

14See page 63.

15Pascual H. Poblete: a pobre diablo who speaks Spanish like a chino and writes it far worse. Poblete is greatly devoted to cock-fighting; but being as reckless in the enjoyment of this sport as he is in everything else he undertakes, he finds his pocket always more or less empty. To fill this pocket he is ever hunting up schemes to make money in the easiest way possible. The subscription lists he has started for various pious or patriotic objects are well nigh innumerable.

The Heraldo de Madrid, of the 19th of November 1896, says of this charlatan:

“Well paired with Tomás del Rosario, the indio who, by literary fraud gained from Señor Nuñez de Arce a good position in the Philippines, is Pascual H. Poblete also an indio16 and a person of history too.

“His first steps in work in the newspapers of his country were as translator of the Spanish text of a bilingual review into Tagalog.

“He propagated political themes widely, but above all, those articles of the Civil and Penal code favorable to his countrymen; to these articles he added comments…. Under the pretext of competing with the Chinese he founded a cooperative association which was the subject of much talk. It was really nothing else than an association distinctly political and eminently anti-Spanish. He however succeeded in dissimulating, and when he created the newspaper El Resumen, placed a peninsular Spaniard, a native of Aragon, at its head. He then did all he could to gain the confidence of Despujols, whom he visited every once in a while.

“As Despujols step by step lost favor with the European element, Poblete praised him more and more and this was, in itself, a good sign of the direction in which was going this Poblete, a man lacking talent, lacking wit, and enjoying nothing but an insane intention. During the last years he made continuous anti-Spanish propaganda, and was a bitter enemy of the Spaniards, excepting some few degenerates who yet believed in the good faith of this pobre diablo.”

In later days he changed his religion—that is if he ever had one to change, and devoted himself to sponging upon the Bible Societies and the protestant and Mormon missionaries who came to the Philippines. On one occasion he translated from Spanish into Tagalog the Holy Scriptures, and seeing that never in his life had he been a successful translator even of newspaper paragraphs, but could only succeed in giving little more than a very general idea of what was contained in the Spanish text, it was not to be wondered at that, as a famous literary critic well versed in the Tagalog once said: “Poblete’s Tagalog bible reads more like a badly written chronicle than a version of the sacred Scriptures. If I thought that our Lord and his Apostles preached and taught what Poblete puts into their mouths, I would go to China and become a disciple of Confucius.”

In the latter days of Spanish rule Poblete was always more or less under the eyes of the authorities, and on the 17th of April 1896 the Secret Police asked of General Blanco the necessary permission to search the houses of several highly suspicious people, among them that of Pascual H. Poblete.

Our hero figured at one time as an expert in the raising of subscriptions for monuments and if I am not very much mistaken, he once had a hand in the raising of money for the coming monument to Rizal the hero and martyr of the Filipino Libre party. It would be very interesting to know what became of all the funds that passed through his hands: the majority apparently went to back his favorite birds at the cock-pits.

Since the American occupation Poblete’s chief enterprise, apart from cock-fighting and “sponging upon the ignorantes who listened to his ravings with more or less favor because he was a protestant, was the editing and publishing of a dirty little “sheet” known as the Ang Kapatid nang Bayan.” In this so called newspaper Poblete aired his radical political ideas with such vigor that the Provost Marshal was compelled to call him down. The pobre diablo then turned his attention to another pastime which would combine the advantages of demonstrating his unsurpassable abilities, of airing his opinions and, last mentioned but of the greatest importance, the quality of putting into his pocket a goodly number of easily earned dollars. This pastime took the shape of a theatrical enterprise: Constancia, the daughter of the said mountebank “composed and wrote” a play entitled Ang Pag Ibig Sa Lupang Tinubinan: For the Love of Country. Poblete’s better half (which is not saying much) played the part of the heroine. The whole play was incendiary in the extreme and the audience being Tagalogs of the lowest and most ignorant class, the result was that they were thrown into a state of the greatest frenzy. Poblete put this play on the boards of the Teatro Oriental. All went well in the first acts; and following out the “plot” of the play, the town of Imus was supposed to have been taken by the rebels. Dramatic shouts of Viva La Independencia; were raised from time to time by the actors, followed by shouts from the audience of Viva Filipinas! Viva Aguinaldo! Suddenly there rushed from the “wings” a gaudy looking creature who ought to have been the Tondo market selling cockles and crabs; this turned out to be the heroine. In one hand she held a revolutionary flag and in the other a bolo. Viva La Independencia was the shout which almost raised the roof; but as fate would have it Poblete was doomed to be humbled to the dust. Just as he was promising himself a fine string of dollars from his new enterprise Capt. Lara and a number of police appeared on the scene, and Poblete, his katipunan banners and bolos etc., were seized and the house cleared of its fanatical occupants.

To-day he amuses himself in fitting out bands of little boys who on “state” occasions parade the streets with American flags and Japanese lanterns, and placards with various inscriptions, the chief ones being petitions for an amnesty on behalf of all those who have “done what they ought not to have done”. Poblete would open the doors of the prisons of the Archipelago and let loose all their occupants. The result? A political boom for Poblete, an increase in the membership of the Partido Nacionalista and an increase of crime to a thousand fold, not only in Manila but throughout the whole archipelago.

Poor Poblete a pobre infeliz, a stain upon the good name of the filipino. But then, what would Filipinas be without her Poblete; almost like a cat without fleas.

16If I am not in error, Poblete is a Chinee halfcaste.

17Cruz Herrera, now alcalde of Manila, was another upon whom the authorities took pity on account of the rheumatism from which he suffered to such an extent that he could scarcely walk.