NOTES

[1] Cea is a small town situated in the old kingdom of Léon, on a river of the same name. It was a seat of a chateau and a duchy. The name of the first duke of Lerma was Francisco Gomez de Sandoval y Rojas. Hume’s Spain (Cambridge, 1898), mentions one of his sons as duke of Cea, who is probably the Cristoval Gomez de Sandoval y Rojas of Morga’s dedication.

[2] The facts of Doctor Antonio de Morga’s life are meager. He must have been born in Sevilla, as his birth register is said to exist in the cathedral of that city. He sailed from Acapulco for the Philippines in 1595 in charge of the vessels sent with reënforcements that year. He remained there eight years, during which time he was continually in office. In 1598, upon the reëstablishment of the Manila Audiencia he was appointed senior auditor. In 1600 he took charge of the operations against the Dutch and commanded in the naval battle with them. He left the islands July 10, 1603, in charge of the ships sailing that year to Mexico. After that period he served in the Mexico Audiencia; and as late as 1616 was president of the Quito Audiencia, as appears from a manuscript in the British Museum. His book circulated, at least, in part, in manuscript before being published. Torrubía mentions a manuscript called Descubrimiento, conquista, pacificación y población de ias Islas Philipinas, which was dated 1607, and dedicated to “his Catholic Majesty, King Don Phelipe III, our sovereign.” Morga combined the three functions of historian, politician, and soldier, and his character is many sided and complex. He is spoken of in high terms as an historian, and Rizal, as well as Blumentritt, exalts him above all other historians of the Philippines.

[3] Throughout this work, all notes taken entire or condensed from José Rizal’s edition of Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas por el Doctor Antonio de Morga (Paris, 1890), will be signed Rizal, unless Rizal is given as authority for the note or a portion of it in the body of the note. Similarly those notes taken or condensed from Lord Henry E. J. Stanley’s translation of Morga, The Philippine Islands…. by Antonio de Morga (Hakluyt Soc. ed., London, 1868), will be signed Stanley, unless Stanley is elsewhere given as authority as above.

Dr. José Rizal, the Filipino patriot, was born in 1861 at Calamba in Luzón, of pure Tagál stock, although some say that it was mixed with Chinese blood. Through the advice of Father Leontio, a Tagál priest, he was sent to Manila to the Jesuit institution Ateneo Municipal—where he was the pupil of Rev. Pablo Pastells, now of Barcelona. His family name was Mercado, but at the advice of his brother, who had become involved in the liberal movement, he took that of Rizal. After taking his degree at Manila, he studied in Spain, France, and Germany. He founded the Liga Filipina, whose principal tenet was “Expulsion of the friars and the confiscation of their property,” and which was the basis of the revolutionary society of the Sons of the Nation. On Rizal’s return to Manila, after several years of travel, in 1892, he was arrested and exiled to Dapitan. In 1895, he was allowed to volunteer for hospital service in Cuba, but was arrested in Barcelona, because of the breaking out of the Filipino insurrection, and sent back to Manila, where he was shot on December 30, 1896, by native soldiers. Besides being a skilled physician, Dr. Rizal was a poet, novelist, and sculptor, and had exhibited in the salon. His first novel Noli me tangere appeared in Berlin in 1887, and was, as Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera remarks, the first book to treat of Filipino manners and customs in a true and friendly spirit. It was put under the ban by the Church. Its sequel El Filibusterismo appeared in 1891.

Sir Henry Edward John Stanley, third Baron of Alderley, and second Baron Eddisbury of Sinnington, a member of the peerage of the United Kingdom, and a baronet, died on December 10, 1903, at the age of seventy-six. He was married in 1862 to Fabia, daughter of Señor Don Santiago Federico San Roman of Sevilla, but had no issue. He spent many years in the East, having been first attaché at Constantinople and Secretary of Legation at Athens. He embraced the Mahometan religion and was buried by its rites privately by Ridjag Effendi, Imaum of the Turkish embassy.

[4] Charles chose as his motto Plus ultra, being led thereto by the recent world discoveries and the extension of Spanish dominions. This motto is seen on his coins, medals, and other works.

[5] Perhaps Morga alludes to Argensola, who published his Historia de la conquista de las Molucas this same year of 1609.—Rizal.

[6] This was the second establishment of the Audiencia, in 1598.

[7] The term “proprietary governor” refers to the regularly appointed (hence governor in his own right) royal representative who governed the islands; all others were governors ad interim, and were appointed in different manners at different periods. The choice of governors showed a gradual political evolution. In the earliest period, the successor in case of death or removal was fixed by the king or the Audiencia of Mexico (e.g., in the case of Legazpi). Some governors (e.g., Gomez Perez Dasmariñas) were allowed to name their own successor. After the establishment of the Audiencia, the choice fell upon the senior auditor. The latest development was the appointment of a segundo cabo, or second head (about the equivalent of lieutenant-governor), who took the office ad interim in case of the governor’s death or removal, or a vacancy arising from any other cause.

[8] Morga may refer to accounts of the battle with Oliver van Noordt, or the manuscripts of Juan de Plasencia, Martin de Rada, and others.—Rizal.

[9] Magalhães and Serrano died on the same day. Argensola commenting on this fact says: “At this time his friend Serrano was going to India; and although in different parts, the two navigators died on the same day, almost under like circumstances.”

[10] This is too strong a statement, and Morga’s knowledge is inexact, as Magalhães had sailed the eastern seas while in the service of the Portuguese monarch.

[11] Argensola (Conquistas de las Islas Malucas, Madrid, 1609) mentions the expedition sent out by the bishop of Plasencia, Don Gutierre de Vargas.

[12] An error for 1542.

[13] Urdaneta received Felipe II’s order to accompany the expedition while in Mexico.—Rizal.

See VOL. II of this series for Urdaneta’s connection with this expedition.

[14] See abstract of these instructions, VOL. II, pp. 89-100.

[15] Called Villa de San Miguel at first, according to San Agustín.—Rizal.

[16] Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, not Legazpi, first gave the name Filipinas to the archipelago.

[17] Rizal identifies Rajamora with Soliman, and says that he was called Rajamora or Rahang murã in opposition to Rajamatanda or Rahang matanda, signifying, as Isabelo de los Reyes y Florentino partially points out in an article entitled “Los Regulos de Manila,” pp. 87-111 of Artículos varios (Manila, 1887), the young raja and the old raja. In the above article, the latter seeks to identify Rajamora or Soliman with the Raxobago of San Agustín, and declares that Rajamatanda and Lacandola are identical. The confusion existing in later writers regarding these names is lacking in Morga, and Rizal’s conjecture appears correct.

[18] Arigues comes from the Tagál word haligi, which are stout wooden posts, used to support the frames of buildings. The word is in quite common use in the Philippines among the Spanish speaking people. It is sometimes used to denote simply a column.—Rizal (in part).

[19] This was the date of Legazpi’s arrival at Manila and not of the assault, which occurred in 1570.—Rizal.

Goiti took possession of Manila for the king, June 6, 1570. See various documents in VOL. III of this series.

[20] The inhabitants of Sebu aided the Spaniards on this expedition, and consequently were exempted from tribute for a considerable period.—Rizal.

[21] Rizal conjectures that this is a typographical error and should read de Bisayas ò de los Pintados, i.e., Bisayas or Los Pintados.

[22] The Tagáls called it Maynila.—Rizal.

For the meaning of this name, see VOL. III, p. 148, note 41.

[23] Rather it was his grandson Salcedo. This hero, called the Hernán Córtes of the Filipinas, was truly the intelligent arm of Legazpi. By his prudence, his fine qualities, his talent, and personal worth, the sympathies of the Filipinos were captured, and they submitted to their enemies. He inclined them to peace and friendship with the Spaniards. He likewise saved Manila from Limahon. He died at the age of twenty-seven, and is the only one to our knowledge who named the Indians as his heirs to a large portion of his possessions, namely his encomienda of Bigan. (San Agustín).—Rizal.

See also VOL. III, p. 73, note 21.

[24] “He assigned the tribute that the natives were to pay to their encomenderos,” says San Agustín. “This was one piece of cotton cloth, in the provinces where cloth was woven, of the value of four reals; two fanégas of rice; and one fowl. This was to be given once each year. Those who did not possess cloth were to give its value in kind of another product of their own harvest in that town; and where there was no rice harvested, they were to give two reals, and one-half real for the fowl, estimated in money."—Rizal.

[25] Legazpi dies August 20, 1572.

[26] “One thousand five hundred friendly Indians from the islands of Zebu, Bohol, Leyte, and Panay, besides the many other Indians of service, for use as pioneers and boat-crews, accompanied the Spaniards…” Lacandola and his sons and relatives, besides two hundred Bissayans and many other Indians who were enrolled in Pangasinan, aided them. (San Agustín).—Rizal.

[27] According to San Agustín, more than one thousand five hundred Indian bowmen from the provinces of Pangasinan, Cagayan, and Pintados accompanied this expedition. Its apparent motive was to place on the throne Sirela, or Malaela, as Colin calls him, who had been dethroned by his brother.—Rizal.

See the relation of this expedition in VOL. IV, pp. 148-303.

[28] This expedition did not succeed because of the development of the disease beriberi among the Spanish forces, from which more than four-fifths of the soldiers died. More than one thousand five hundred of the most warlike natives, mostly from Cagayan and Pampanga, accompanied the expedition.—Rizal.

[29] By making use of the strife among the natives themselves, because of the rivalry of two brothers, as is recounted by San Agustín.—Rizal.

[30] His name was Zaizufa.—Rizal.

La Concepción, vol. ii, p. 33, gives the founding of the city of Nueva Segovia as the resultant effect of this Japanese pirate. He says: “He [i.e., Joan Pablos de Carrion] found a brave and intrepid Japanese pirate in possession of the port, who was intending to conquer it and subdue the country. He attacked the pirate boldly, conquered him, and frustrated his lofty designs. For greater security he founded the city of Nueva Segovia, and fortified it with a presidio.”

[31] Captain Ribera was the first envoy from the Philippines to confer with the king on the needs of the country.—Rizal.

See VOL. V of this series, pp. 207-209, for his complaints against the governor.

[32] The fire caught from the candles placed about the catafalque of Governor Gonzalo Ronquillo.—Rizal.

[33] This Pedro Sarmiento was probably the one who accompanied Fathers Rada and Marin, and Miguel Loarca to China in 1575; see this series, VOL. IV, p. 46, and VOL. VI, p. 116. The celebrated mathematician and navigator, Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa doubtless belonged to a different branch of the same family. The latter was born in Alcahl de Henares, in 1532, and died toward the end of the century. Entering the Spanish army he went to America, perhaps in 1555. As early as 1557 he sailed in the south seas, and being led to the belief of undiscovered islands there, several times proposed expeditions for their discovery to the viceroy of Peru. He was captain of Mendaña’s ship in the expedition that discovered the Solomon Islands. Shortly after, at the instance of the viceroy, Francisco de Toledo, he visited Cuzco, and wrote a full description of that country. He was the first to study the ancient history and institutions of the Incas in detail. When Drake made his memorable expedition into the South Sea, Sarmiento was sent in his pursuit, and he wrote a detailed account of the Strait of Magellan and his voyage through it. He later founded a Spanish colony in the strait, but it was a failure, and was known afterward as Famine Port. He was a prisoner, both in England and France, being ransomed by Felipe II from the latter country. In navigation he was ahead of his times, as his writings attest. He was persecuted for many years by the Holy Inquisition on various charges. See Lord Amherst’s Discovery of the Solomon Islands (Hakluyt Soc. ed., London, 1901), vol. i, pp. 83-94; and Clements R. Markham’s Narratives of the voyages of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa (Hakluyt Soc. ed., 1895). Argensola gives (Conquistas de las islas Malucas), some account of Sarmiento’s expedition to the strait in pursuit of Drake. He seems (pp. 167-168) when speaking of the incident in our text to confuse these two men. An excellent atlas containing fourteen illuminated and colored maps is also attributed to Sarmiento the navigator, number five being a map of India, including the Moluccas and the Philippines.

[34] See letter by Juan de Moron, VOL. VI, of this series, pp. 275-278.

[35] It was divulged by a Filipino woman, the wife of a soldier (Sinibaldo de Mas).—Rizal.

[36] Thomas Cavendish or Candish. He is named by various authors as Escandesch, Cande, Eschadesch, Embleg, and Vimble.—Rizal. See also appendix A.

[37] This memorable expedition of Sir Francis Drake left Plymouth November 15, 1577, but an accident caused their return to the same port, whence they again sailed on the thirteenth of December. After various fortunes the Strait of Magellan was reached on August 17, 1578. They coasted along the western part of South America, where a valuable prize was taken. At the island of Canno “wee espyed a shippe, and set sayle after her, and tooke her, and found in her two Pilots and a Spanish Gouernour, going for the Ilands of the Philippinás: Wee searched the shippe, and tooke some of her Merchandizes, and so let her goe.” Thence they voyaged to the Moluccas, which were reached November 14. Next day they anchored at Yerrenate, where they were welcomed. The voyage was continued through the islands, around the Cape of Good Hope, and thence to England, where they arrived November 3, 1580. See Purchas: His Pilgrims (London, 1625), i, book ii, ch. iii, pp. 46-57. For accounts of the life and voyages of Drake, see also, Purchas: ut supra, v, book vii, ch. v, pp. 1391-1398; Bry: Collectiones peregrinationum (Francofurti, 1625), ser. i, vol. iii, pars viii, pp. 3-34; Francis Fletcher; The World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (London, 1635); Knox: New Collection of voyages and travels (London, 1767), iii, pp. 1-27; John Barrow: Life, voyages, and exploits of Admiral Sir Francis Drake (John Murray, Albemarle St., 1843); Thomas Maynarde: Sir Francis Drake, his voyage 1595 (Hakluyt Soc. ed., London, 1849); W. S. W. Vaux: The world encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Soc. ed., London, 1854).

[38] See VOL. VI of this series for various documents concerning Father Alonso Sanchez’s mission to Spain and Rome.

[39] San Agustín says that these walls were twelve thousand eight hundred and forty-three geometrical feet in extent, and that they were built without expense to the royal treasury.—Rizal.

[40] See references to this expedition, VOL. VIII, pp. 242, 250, 251; and VOL. XIV.

[41] This emperor, also called Hideyosi, had been a stable boy, called Hasiba.—Rizal.

See VOL. X, p. 25, note I, and p. 171, note 19; also Trans. Asiatic Soc. (Yokohama), vols. vi, viii, ix, and xi. [42] See VOL. VIII of this series, pp. 260-267.

[43] San Agustín [as does Argensola] says there were two hundred and fifty Chinese.—Rizal.

[44] Marikaban.—Rizal.

[45] The original is ballesteras, defined in the old dictionaries as that part of the galley where the soldiers fought.

[46] A sort of knife or saber used in the Orient.

[47] This lack and defect are felt even now [1890] after three centuries.—Rizal.

[48] Cho-da-mukha, in Siamese the place of meeting of the chief mandarins, i.e., the capital.—Stanley.

[49] Phra-Unkar. Phra or Pra is the title given to the kings of Siam and Camboja.—Rizal.

[50] Si-yuthia, or the seat of the kings.—Stanley.

[51] Id est, the supercargo, in Chinese.—Stanley.

[52] Father Alonso Ximenez or Jimenez took the Dominican habit in the Salamanca convent. His best years were passed in the missions of Guatemala. He was one of the first Dominicans to respond to the call for missionaries for the Dominican province in the Philippines, leaving for that purpose the Salamanca convent, whither he had retired. His first mission was on the river of Bataan. A severe illness compelled him to go to the Manila convent, where he was later elected prior, and then provincial of the entire Dominican field of the islands, being the second to hold that office. He later engaged in the two disastrous expeditions as mentioned in our text, and died December 31, 1598. See Reseña biográfica.

[53] Lantchang or Lanxang is the name of an ancient city in the north of Cambodia. (Pallegoix’s Dictionary).—Stanley.

[54] Rizal says: “There exists at this point a certain confusion in the order, easy, however, to note and correct. We believe that the author must have said ‘Vencidas algunas dificultades, para la falida, por auer ydo a efte tiempo, de Camboja a Lanchan, en los Laos vn mádarin llamado Ocuña de Chu, con diez paroes, etc.;’” whereas the book reads the same as the above to “Camboja,” and then proceeds “a los Laos, vn mádarin llamado Ocuña de Chu, Alanchan con diez paroes.” We have accordingly translated in accordance with this correction. Stanley translates the passage as follows: “Some difficulties as to setting out from Alanchan having been overcome, by the arrival at this time in Laos from Cambodia of a mandarin named Ocuñia de Chu, with ten prahus, etc.” In the above we follow the orthography of the original.

[55] The river Me-Kong.—Rizal.

[56] Laksamana, a general or admiral in Malay.—Stanley.

[57] Chow Phya is a title in Siam and Cambodia.—Rizal.

[58] That is, his son or other heir was to inherit the title.

[59] Rizal conjectures that this word is a transformation of the Tagál word, lampitaw, a small boat still used in the Philippines.

[60] We follow Stanley’s translation. He derives the word çacatal [zacatal] from zacate, or sacate, signifying “reed,” “hay,” or other similar growths, zacatal thus being a “place of reeds” or a “thicket.”

[61] From kalasag, a shield.—Rizal.

[62] Argensola says that this native, named Ubal, had made a feast two days before, at which he had promised to kill the Spanish commander.—Rizal.

[63] Perhaps the arquebuses of the soldiers who had been killed in the combat with Figueroa, for although culverins and other styles of artillery were used in these islands, arquebuses were doubtless unknown.—Rizal.

[64] These considerations might apply to the present [1890] campaigns in Mindanao.—Rizal.

[65] Argensola says that Cachil is probably derived from the Arabic Katil, which signifies “valiant soldier.” “In the Malucas they honor their nobles with this title as with Mosiur in Francia, which means a trifle more than Don in España.” See also VOL. X, p. 61, note 6.

[66] The Solomon Islands (Islas de Salomon) were first discovered in 1568 by Alvaro de Mendaña de Neyra while on an expedition to discover the supposed southern continent between Asia and America. Various reasons are alleged for the name of this group: one that Mendaña called them thus because of their natural richness; another that King Solomon obtained wood and other materials there for his temple; and the third and most probable that they were called after one of the men of the fleet. As narrated in our text, the expedition of 1595 failed to rediscover the islands. They remained completely lost, and were even expunged from the maps until their rediscovery by Carteret in 1767. The discoverers and explorers Bougainville, Surville, Shortland, Manning, d’Entrecasteaux, Butler, and Williamson, made discoveries and explorations in the same century. In 1845, they were visited by d’Urville. H.B. Guppy made extensive geological studies there in 1882. The French Marist fathers went there first in 1845, but were forced, in 1848, to abandon that field until 1861. They were the least known of all the Pacific and South Sea islands. They extend a distance of over 600 miles, and lie approximately between 4º 30’-12º south latitude and 154º 40’-162º 30’ east longitude. They lie southeast of New Britain and northwest of New Hebrides. The larger islands are: Bougainville, Choiseul, Santa Isabel, Guadalconar, Malaita, and San Cristobal, and are generally mountainous, and volcanic in origin, containing indeed several active volcanoes. The smaller islands are generally volcanic and show traces of coral limestone. The climate is unhealthful, and one of the rainiest in the world. They are extremely fertile and contain excellent water. The inhabitants are of the Malay race and were formerly cannibals. They form parts of the British and German possessions. See Lord Amherst: Discovery of the Solomon Islands (London, Hakluyt Soc. ed., 1901); H. B. Guppy: The Solomon Islands (London, 1887); Justo Zaragoza: Historia del descubrimiento australes (Madrid, 1876).

[67] These places are all to be found on the old maps. Paita or Payta is shown just above or below five degrees south latitude. Callao was properly the port of Lima.

[68] Called by the natives Fatuhiwa, situated in 10º 40’ south latitude, and west longitude 138º 15’, one of the Marquesas group belonging to France.—Rizal.

[69] According to Captain Cook, cited by Wallace, these islanders surpassed all other nations in the harmony of their proportions and the regularity of their features. The stature of the men is from 175 to 183 cm.—Rizal.

[70] The three islands are identified as Motane (probably), Hiwaoa, Tahuata or Tanata; the channel as the strait of Bordelais; and the “good port” as Vaitahu (Madre de Dios) (?).—Rizal.

[71] The breadfruit, which grows on the tree artocarpus incisa. It is called rima in Spanish, the name by which it was perhaps known throughout Polynesia.—Rizal.

In the Bissayan Islands this tree was called coló. It reaches a height of about sixty feet. Its bark exudes a gummy sap, that is used for snaring birds. For want of areca, the bark is also used by the Indians as a substitute. The wood is yellow, and is used for making canoes, and in the construction of houses. See Delgado’s Historia General, and Blanco’s Flora de Filipinas.

[72] Probably the Pukapuka group or Union Islands.—Rizal.

[73] Perhaps Sophia Island, which is about this distance from Lima.—Rizal.

[74] Nitendi.—Rizal.

[75] The small islets may have been the Taumako Islands; the shoals, Matema, and the “island of no great size,” Vanikoro.—Rizal.

[76] Called kilitis in the Philippines, but we are not aware that indigo is made of it.—Rizal.

Delgado (Historia, Manila, 1892) describes the wild amaranths which he calls quiletes (an American word, according to Blanco) doubtless the plant indicated in the text. The native generic name is haroma. There are numerous varieties, all edible.

[77] This word is untranslated by Stanley. Rizal conjectures that it may come from the Tagál word sagã or jequiriti. But it may be a misprint for the Spanish sagu or sagui, “sago.”

[78] Pingré’s translation of the Descubrimiento de las Islas de Salomon says, p. 41: “On the 17th October there was a total eclipse of the moon: this luminary, on rising above the horizon, was already totally eclipsed. Mendaña, by his will, which he signed with difficulty, named as lady governor of the fleet his wife Doña Isabella de Barreto.” And in a note, he [i.e., Pingré] says that he calculated this eclipse by the tables of Halley: the immersion must have happened at Paris at 19 hours 6 minutes, and the moon had already been risen since 5 or 6 minutes; so that the isle of Sta. Cruz would be at least 13h. 2m. west of Paris, which would make it 184 degrees 30 minutes longitude, or at most 190 degrees, allowing for the Spaniards not having perceived the eclipse before sunset.—Stanley.

[79] Probably Ponape.—Rizal.

[80] The Descubrimiento de las Islas de Salomon says: “The frigate was found cast away on the coast with all the crew dead. The galliot touched at Mindanao, in 10 degrees, where the crew landed on the islet of Camaniguin; and while wandering on the shore, and dying of hunger, met with some Indians, who conducted them to a hospital of the Jesuits. The corregidor of the place sent five men of this ship prisoners to Manila, upon the complaint of their captain, whom they had wished to hang. He wrote to Don Antonio de Morga the following letter: ‘A Spanish galliot has arrived here, commanded by a captain, who is as strange a man as the things which he relates. He pretends to have belonged to the expedition of General Don Alvaro de Mendaña, who left Peru for the Solomon isles, and that the fleet consisted of four ships. You will perhaps have the means of knowing what the fact is.’ The soldiers who were prisoners declared that the galliot had separated from the general only because the captain had chosen to follow another route."—Stanley.

[81] Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera in his Historia del descubrimiento de las regiones australes (Madrid, 1876), identifies this bay with the present Harbor of Laguán.—Rizal.

[82] Lord Stanley translates the above passage, which reads in the original “que por quede della razon (si acaso Dios dispusiese de mi persona, o aya otra qualquiera ocasion; que yo, o la que lleuo faltemos), aya luz della,” etc., as “that an account may remain (if perchance God should dispose of my life, or anything else should arise, or I or she that I take with me should be missing), and that it may give light,” etc. Rizal points out that the words “o la que lleuo faltemos” do not refer to Doña Isabel de Barreto, but to a similar relation of the voyage that Quiros carried with him. We have accordingly adopted the latter’s rendering, which is by far more probable.

[83] On the island of Shikoku.—Rizal.

[84] From the Japanese funé, boat. This may be etymologically equivalent to the English word funny, a kind of small boat.

[85] Lord Stanley connects this word, which he translates “monks,” with the Nembuds Koo. These, according to Engelbert Kaëmpfer, historian and physician at the Dutch embassy in Japan, and who lived from 1651 to 1716, are devout fraternities who chant the Namanda, the abbreviation of “Nama Amida Budsu” (“Great Amida help us”). The Dai-Nembudzsui are persons especially devoted to Amida’s worship. Rizal however refutes this, and derives Nambaji from the Japanese word Nambanjin, signifying “dweller of the barbaric south,” as the missionaries came from the south.

[86] See note 85, ante, p. 119.

[87] The Spanish word is dojicos, which is etymologically the same as the French dogiques. This latter term is defined in The Jesuit Relations (Cleveland, 1896-1901), xxvii, p. 311, note 1, as a name given, in foreign missions, to those natives who instruct their countrymen. They officiated in the absence of the priests.

[88] Fushimi, Osaka, and Sakai.—Rizal.

[89] See VOL. X, p. 171, note 19.

[90] Santa Ines publishes a translation of the same sentence that varies somewhat in phraseology from the above, but which has the same sense. It is dated however: “the first year of Quercho, on the twentieth day of the eleventh moon.” J.J. Rein (Japan, London, 1884) publishes a version different from either, which is as follows: “Taikô—sama. I have condemned these people to death, because they have come from the Philippine Islands, have given themselves out as ambassadors, which they are not, and because they have dwelt in my country without my permission, and proclaimed the law of the Christians against my command. My will is that they be crucified at Nagasaki.” For the persecutions in this and succeeding administrations, see Rein, ut supra.

[91] Santa Ines gives the names and order of the crucifixion of religious and converts, twenty-six in all. They were crucified in a row stretching east and west as follows: ten Japanese converts, the six Franciscans, three Jesuits, and seven Japanese converts, with about four paces between each two. The Japanese served the Franciscans in various religious and secular capacities. The six Franciscans were: Francisco Blanco, of Monte Rey, Galicia; Francisco de San Miguel, lay-brother, of Parrilla, in the Valladolid bishopric; Gonzalo Garcia, lay-brother, of Bazain, East India, son of a Portuguese father and a native woman; Felipe de Jesús, or de las Casas, of Mexico; Martín de la Ascension, theological lecturer, of Beasaín, in the province of Guipuzcoa; and Pedro Bautista, of San Esteban, in the Avila bishopric. The Jesuits were, at least two of them, Japanese, and were not above the rank of brother or teacher. Five Franciscans of the eleven in Japan escaped crucifixion, namely, Agustín Rodríguez, Bartolomé Ruiz, Marcelo de Rivadeneira, Jerónimo de Jesús, and Juan Pobre. The first three were forced to leave Japan in a Portuguese vessel sailing to India.

[92] The Lequios Islands are identified by Rizal as the Riukiu or Lu-Tschu Islands. J. J. Rein (Japan, London, 1884) says that they form the second division of the modern Japanese empire, and lie between the thirtieth and twenty-fourth parallels, or between Japan proper and Formosa. They are called also the Loochoo Islands.

[93] See Stanley, appendix v, pp. 398-402, and Rizal, note 4, p. 82, for extracts and abstracts of a document written by Father Alexander Valignano, visitor of the Society of Jesus in Japan, dated October 9, 1598. This document states that three Jesuits were crucified by mistake with the others. The document is polemical in tone, and explains on natural grounds what the Franciscans considered and published as miraculous. The above letter to Morga is published by Santa Ines, ii, p. 364.

[94] Santa Ines publishes a letter from this religious to another religious of the same order. From this letter it appears that he later went to Macan, whence he returned to Manila.

[95] Called Alderete in Argensola, doubtless an error of the copyist.—Rizal.

[96] The same king wrote a letter of almost the same purport to Father Alonso Ximenez, which is reproduced by Aduarte.—Rizal.

[97] Diego Aduarte, whose book Historia de la Provincia del Santo Rosario (Manila, 1640), will appear later in this series.

[98] Morga’s own account of this, ante, says distinctly that there were two vessels and that Bias Ruiz had entered the river ahead of Diego Belloso. Hernando de los Rios Coronel, however, explains this in his Relacion of 1621, by stating that one of the two vessels had been wrecked on the Cambodian coast.

[99] The original is en la puente, which translated is “on the bridge.” We have regarded it as a misprint for en el puerto, “in the port.”

[100] This kingdom has disappeared. The ancient Ciampa, Tsiampa, or Zampa, was, according to certain Jesuit historians, the most powerful kingdom of Indochina. Its dominions extended from the banks of the Menam to the gulf of Ton-King. In some maps of the sixteenth century we have seen it reduced to the region now called Mois, and in others in the north of the present Cochinchina, while in later maps it disappears entirely. Probably the present Sieng-pang is the only city remaining of all its past antiquity.—Rizal.

[101] That is, his mother and grandmother.

[102] From which to conquer the country and the king gradually, for the latter was too credulous and confiding.—Rizal.

[103] Rizal misprints Malaca.

[104] Stanley thinks that this should read “since the war was not considered a just one;” but Rizal thinks this Blas Ruiz’s own declaration, in order that he might claim his share of the booty taken, which he could not do if the war were unjust and the booty considered as a robbery.

[105] Aduarte says: “The matter was opposed by many difficulties and the great resistance of influential persons in the community, but as it was to be done without expense to the royal treasury, all were overcome."—Rizal.

La Concepción says, vol. iii, p. 234, that the royal officials did not exercise the requisite care in the fitting of Luis Dasmariñas’s vessels, as the expedition was not to their taste.

[106] A Chinese vessel, lighter and swifter than the junk, using oars and sails.

[107] Aduarte says that the fleet left the bay on September 17.—Rizal.

La Concepción gives the same date, and adds that Dasmariñas took in his vessel, the flagship, Father Ximinez, while Aduarte sailed in the almiranta. The complement of men, sailors and soldiers was only one hundred and fifty. Aduarte left the expedition by command of the Dominican superior after the almiranta had put in to refit at Nueva Segovia, “as he [i.e., the superior] did not appear very favorable to such extraordinary undertakings.” He returned with aid to Dasmariñas, sailing from Manila September 6, almost a year after the original expedition had sailed.

[108] The island of Corregidor, also called Mirabilis.—Rizal.

[109] The almiranta was wrecked because of striking some shoals, while pursuing a Chinese craft with piratical intent. The Spanish ship opened in two places and the crew were thrown into the sea. Some were rescued and arrested by the Chinese authorities.—Rizal.

La Concepción says that the majority of the Spaniards determined to pursue and capture the Chinese vessel contrary to the advice of the pilot and a few others, and were consequently led into the shoals.

[110] This man became a religious later. We present his famous relation of 1621 in a later volume of this series. Hernando de los Rios was accompanied by Aduarte on his mission.

[111] It has been impossible to verify this citation. Of the four generally known histories of the Indias written at the time of Los Rios Coronel’s letter, that of Las Casas only contains chapters of the magnitude cited, and those chapters do not treat of the demarcation question. Gonzalez Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés: Historia general y natural de las Indias (Madrid, Imprenta de la Real Academia de la Historia, 1851), edited by Amador de los Rios, discusses the demarcation in book ii, ch. viii, pp. 32, 33, and book xxi, ch. ii, pp. 117, 118; Bartolomé de las Casas: Historia de las Indias (Madrid, 1875), edited by Marquis de la Fuensanta del Valle (vols. 62-66 of Documentos inéditos para la historia de España), in book i, ch. lxxix, pp. 485, 486; Antonio de Herrera: Historia general de los Indios occidentalis (Madrid, 1601), in vol. i, ch. iiii, pp. 50-53, and ch. x, pp. 62-64; Joseph de Acosta: Historia de las Indias (first published in Spanish in Sevilla in 1590) does not discuss the matter. Neither is the reference to Giovanni Pietro Maffei’s Historiarum Indicarum (Coloniae Agrippinae, 1590), where the demarcation is slightly mentioned.

[112] Costa in the original, misprinted cosa in Rizal.

[113] From the context, one would suppose that Los Rios Coronel wrote Jesuita instead of Theatino.

[114] Undoubtedly the famous Father Mateo Ricci, called Li-Ma-Teou and Si-Thaí by the Chinese. He was born in Macerata in 1552, and died in Pekin in 1610. He was one of the greatest Chinese scholars of Europe, and wrote a number of works in Chinese, which were highly esteemed and appreciated by the Chinese themselves. He extended Christianity in the celestial empire more than anyone else, by his tolerance and keen diplomacy, by composing with great skill what he could not combat openly. This excited the wrath of the Dominicans, and gave rise to many controversies….Father Ricci was the associate of the famous Father Alessandro Valignani.—Rizal.

[115] The latitude of Toledo is 39º 52’; Nankin [Lanquien] 32º; and Pekin [Paquien] 39º 58’.

[116] The pico is a measure of weight. Gregorio Sancianco y Goson (El Progreso de Filipinas, Madrid, 1881) gives its table thus: 1 pico = 10 chinantes = 100 cates = 1 tael, 6 décimas = 137 libras, 5 décimas = 62 kilógramos, 262 gramos, 1 tael = 22 adarmes = 39 gramos, 60 céntimos. The pico is not a fixed weight. In Manila its equivalent has been fixed at 137 libras, 6 décimas. In the ports of China and Singapore the English have adopted the following equivalents: 1 pico = 133 1/3 English pounds; 1 pico in Manila is equal to 140 English pounds; and 1 English pico equals 131.4 Castilian pounds.

[117] Certain shells found in the Philippines, and used as money in Siam, where they are called sigay.

[118] Father Juan Maldonado de San Pedro Mártir was born in Alcalá de Guadaira in the province of Sevilla. After a course in the humanities and philosophy, he went to Salamanca University to study canonical law. He made his profession at the Dominican convent in Valladolid, where he lived in great austerity. He was one of the first to respond to the call of Father Juán Crisóstomo for workers in the Philippines. He was associated with Father Benavides in the Chinese mission, but was unable to learn the language because of other duties. He was later sent to Pangasinan, where, in 1588, he was appointed vicar of Gabón (now Calasiao). He was definitor in the Manila chapter in 1592, by which he was appointed vicar of Abucay, in the Bataan district. Shortly after he was again appointed to the Chinese work, and learned the language thoroughly. In 1596, while on the unfortunate voyage to Camboja, Father Alonso Jimenez appointed him vicar-general, but he resigned from this, as well as from the office of commissary-general of the Holy Office, which he was the first to hold in the islands. In 1598 he was appointed lecturer on theology, and in November of the same year went to Camboja. His death occurred within sight of Cochinchina, December 22, 1598, and he was buried in Pulocatouan. He was confessor to Luis Dasmariñas. (Reseña Biográfica, Manila, 1891.)

[119] Rizal misprints guardia de sus personas que podian, as guardia de sus personas que pedian.

[120] This happened afterward and was a constant menace to the Spaniards, as many letters, reports, and books attest.

[121] This was the first piratical expedition made against the Spaniards by the inhabitants of the southern islands.—Rizal.

Barrantes (Guerras Piraticas) wrongly dates the abandonment of La Caldera and the incursion of the Moros 1590. Continuing he says: “The following year they repeated the expedition so that the Indians retired to the densest parts of the forests, where it cost considerable trouble to induce them to become quiet. For a woman, who proclaimed herself a sibyl or prophetess, preached to them that they should not obey the Spaniards any longer, for the latter had allied themselves with the Moros to exterminate all the Pintados.”

[122] From the Malay tingi, a mountain.—Rizal.

[123] The island of Guimarás, southeast of Panay, and separated from it by the strait of Iloilo.

[124] Neither Stanley nor Rizal throws any light on this word. The Spanish dictionaries likewise fail to explain it, as does also a limited examination of Malay and Tagál dictionaries. Three conjectures are open: 1. A derivative of tifatas, a species of mollusk—hence a conch; 2. A Malay or Tagál word for either a wind or other instrument—the Malay words for “to blow,” “to sound a musical instrument,” being tiyup and tiyupkân; 3. A misprint for the Spanish pifas—a possible shorthand form of pifanos—signifying fifes.

[125] J. J. Rein (Japan, London, 1884) say that the son of Taicosama or Hideyoshi was called Hideyosi, and was born in 1592. He was recognized by Taicosama as his son, but Taicosama was generally believed not to have been his father. The Yeyasudono of Morga was Tokugawa Iyeyasu, lord of the Kuwantô, who was called Gieiaso by the Jesuits. He was already united by marriage to Taicosama. The men appointed with Iyeyasu to act as governors were Asano Nagamasa, Ishida, Mitsunari, Masuda Nagamori, Nagatsuka Masaïye, and Masuda Geni. Iyeyasu, the Daifusama of our text, tried to exterminate Christianity throughout the empire. He established the feudal system that ruled Japan for three centuries, dividing society into five classes, he himself being the most powerful vassal of the mikado. He framed a set of laws, known by his name, that were in force for three centuries. Their basis was certain doctrines of Confucius that recognized the family as the basis of the state. Iyeyasu was a true statesman, an attractive personage, and a peace-loving man. He was revered after death under the name of Gongensama. See also Trans. Asiatic Soc. (Yokohama), vol. iii, part ii, p. 118, “The Legacy of Iyeyasu.”

[126] A manuscript in the British Museum, Dutch Memorable Embassies, says that he died September 16, 1598, at the age of sixty-four, after reigning fifteen years. The regent is there called Ongoschio.—Stanley.

[127] Recueil des voyages (Amsterdam, 1725) ii, pp. 94-95 divides Japanese society into five classes: those having power and authority over others, called tones, though their power may be dissimilar; priests or bonzes; petty nobility and bourgeoisie; mechanics and sailors; and laborers.

[128] This battle was fought at Sekigahara, a little village on the Nakasendo, in October, 1600. Some firearms and cannon were used but the old-fashioned spears and swords predominated in this battle, which was fought fiercely all day. (Murray: Story of Japan, New York, 1894).

[129] John Calleway, of London, a musician, as stated in van Noordt’s account.—Stanley.

[130] See appendix B, end of this volume, for résumé of Dutch expeditions to the East Indies.

[131] Cuckara, the ladle formerly used to charge cannon which used no cartridge, but the loose powder from the barrel.

[132] The count of Essex, who in command of an English squadron captured the city of Cadiz in 1596. He sacked the city and killed many of the inhabitants, leaving the city in ruins. Drake in 1587 had burned several vessels in the same harbor.

[133] Called “San Antonio” above.

[134] Portuguese, above.

[135] The present port of Mariveles, as is seen from Colin’s map.—Rizal.

[136] Juan Francisco Valdés was preacher in the convent of Santo Niño de Cebú in 1599, and was a missionary in Caruyan from 1600 until 1606. He died in 1617. Juan Gutiérrez was assistant in the council [discreto] of the general chapter of his order of 1591. He returned to Manila after three years and was definitor and minister of Tondo in 1596, and of Parañaque 1602-1603. After that he returned to Rome a second time as definitor-general, whence he went to Mexico, where he exercised the duties of procurator in 1608. See Pérez’s Catalogo.

[137] Perhaps “in the direction of the island Del Fraile” is meant here, since no port of that name is known.—Rizal.

The expression occurs, however, in at least one other contemporaneous document.

[138] Now Punta de Fuego [i.e., Fire Promontory].—Rizal.

[139] The Dutch account of this combat says that their flagship carried fifty-three men before the fight, of whom only five were killed and twenty-six wounded.—Rizal.

[140] This is perhaps the brother of Fernando de los Rios Coronel, mentioned in his letter to Morga, ante, p. 180.

[141] This is the present Nasugbú, which is located in the present province of Batangas, a short distance below Punta de Fuego or Fire Promontory, on the west coast of Luzón.

[142] The governor appears to have ordered this execution of his own authority, without trial or the intervention of the Audiencia. Since the independence of Holland was not recognized by Spain until 1609, it is likely that these men were executed as rebels. If the ground was that they were pirates, the Dutchmen’s own account of their burning villages, etc., where there were no Spaniards, is more damaging to themselves than the statements of Morga, and enough to make them out to have been hostes humani generis.—Stanley.

[143] Van Noordt was not wrecked, as will be seen later in this work. He returned to Holland after many misfortunes and adventures.—Rizal.

The Sunda is the strait between the islands of Sumatra and Java.

[144] Hernando de los Rios Coronel in his Memorial y Relacion attributes both the loss of these two vessels and also that of the “San Felipe” to Don Francisco Tello’s indolence. “For this same reason other vessels were lost afterward—one called ‘Santa Margarita,’ which was wrecked in the Ladrones, another, called ‘San Gerónimo,’ wrecked in the Catanduanes, near the channel of those islands, and a third which sailed from Cibú, called ‘Jesus Maria.’” But the last-named, which sailed during Pedro de Acuña’s administration, was not wrecked, as claimed by the above author.—Rizal.

[145] Port of Baras (?).—Rizal.

[146] Kachil Kota. Kachil is the title of the nobles. Kota or Kutà signifies fortress.—Rizal.

[147] Leonardo y Argensola (Conquesta de las Molucas, Madrid, 1609, pp. 262, 263), reproduces this letter translated into Spanish.

[148] These considerations were very narrow, and contrary to the international obligations of mutual assistance incurred by the Spanish by their trading with Japan; such treatment of Japan furnished that country with an additional motive for secluding itself and declining relations, the benefits of which were so one-sided: however, the Spaniards themselves may have felt this only nine years later, for, according to the Dutch Memorable Embassies, part i, p. 163, a large Spanish ship, commanded by Don Rodrigo de Riduera, came from Mexico to Wormgouw, near Yeddo, in August of 1611; these Spaniards were requesting permission from the Japanese emperor to sound the Japanese ports, because the Manila ships were frequently lost on the voyage to New Spain, for want of knowledge of those ports. “Moreover, these same Spaniards requested permission to build ships in Japan, because, both in New Spain and in the Philippines, there was a scarcity of timber fit for ships, and also of good workmen.” In the Philippines there was no scarcity of timber, so that the statement to that effect was either an error of the Dutch author, or a pretext on the part of the Spaniards.—Stanley.

[149] The Dominican Francisco Morales was born at Madrid, October 14, 1567. He professed at the Valladolid convent, where he became lecturer on philosophy. In the same convent he fulfilled various duties until 1602, in which year it was determined to send him to Japan as vicar-general. With other missionaries he was driven from the kingdom of Satzuma in 1609. Father Morales worked, however, in the capital until the persecution of 1614, when he remained hidden in the country. He was arrested March 15, 1619. A week after he was conducted, with other priests, to the island of Juquinoxima, distant three leagues from Nagasaki. In August they were removed to the prison of Ormura. On September 21, 1622, they were taken again to Nagasaki, where they were executed next day. He was beautified by order of the pope. He wrote La relación del glorioso martirio de los BB. Alonso Navarrete y Hernando Ayala de San José, a quarto of thirty pages. (Reseña Biográfica, Manila, 1891.)

[150] The Augustinian Diego de Guevara was born in the town of Baeza, in the province of Jaén, of a noble family. He took the habit in Salamanca. He arrived at Manila in 1593 with twenty-four other religious of his order. In May, 1595, he was chosen sub-prior and procurator of Manila, and in June definitor and discreto [i.e., assistant in the council] to the general chapter. He was wrecked at Japan while on his way to attend the chapter at Rome, however, and returned to Manila with Father Juan Tamayo, his companion. After the Chinese insurrection in Manila in 1603, he was sent to Spain, which he reached by way of Rome. He remained for three years in San Felipe el Real, but was again sent (1610) to the islands, as visitor of the Augustinian province. From 1616-1621 he was bishop of Nueva Cáceres, dying in the latter year. He was the author of various Actas, which have been used extensively by the province. (Catálogo de los Agustinos, Manila, 1901.)

[151] Santa Inés mentions this religious as one of those sent back to Manila by way of a Portuguese vessel about to sail to Portuguese India, at the time of the persecution.

[152] Probably the Sibukaw.—Rizal. This tree—also spelled sibucao—grows to a height of twelve or fifteen feet. Its flowers grow in clusters, their calyx having five sepals. The pod is woody and ensiform and contains three or four seeds, separated by spongy partition-walls. The wood is so hard that nails are made of it, while it is used as a medicine. It is a great article of commerce as a dye, because of the beautiful red color that it yields.

[153] The Philippines then exported silk to Japan, whence today comes the best silk.—Rizal.

[154] These must be the precious ancient china jars that are even yet found in the Philippines. They are dark gray in color, and are esteemed most highly by the Chinese and Japanese.—Rizal.

[155] From this point the Rizal edition lacks to the word and in the second sentence following. The original reads: “que hizieron su camino por tierra. Entre tanto, se padecian en la nao muchas molestias, de los Iapones que auia en el puerto.”

[156] The word in the original is cabria, which signifies literally the sheers or machine for raising a temporary mast. It is evidently used here for the mast itself.

[157] Perhaps to perform the hara-kiri, which was an ancient custom among the Japanese, and consisted in the criminal’s making an incision in his abdomen, and then afterward sinking the knife in his bosom, or above the clavicle, in order to run it through the heart. Then the victim’s head was cut off with a stroke of the sword.—Rizal.

[158] Andrea Furtado de Mendoza began his military career at the age of sixteen, when he accompanied King Sebastian on his ill-fated expedition to Morocco. A year or two later he went to India and became famous by his relief of Barcelor. He had charge of many arduous posts and achieved many military and naval successes. He opposed the Dutch attempts of Matelief at Malacca. In 1609, he was elected as thirty-seventh Portuguese governor of India, and filled the office with great credit to himself and country. (Voyage of Pyrard de Laval, Hakluyt Society ed., London, 1888, part i, vol. ii, p. 267, note 3.)

[159] The accounts of voyages made for the Dutch East India Company (Recueil des voyages, Amsterdam, 1725) mention a town Jaffanapatan in Ceylon, evidently the Jabanapatan of our text.

[160] Hernando de los Rios attributed to these wars of the Moluccas the reason why the Philippines were at first more costly than profitable to the king, in spite of the immense sacrifices of the inhabitants in the almost gratuitous construction of galleons, in their equipment, etc.; and in spite of the tribute, duty, and other imposts and taxes. These Molucca expeditions, so costly to the Philippines, depopulated the islands and depleted the treasury, without profiting the country at all, for they lost forever and shortly what had been won there so arduously. It is also true that the preservation of the Philippines for Spain must be attributed to the Moluccas, and one of the powerful arguments presented to Felipe II as to the advisability of sustaining those islands was for the possession of the rich spice islands.—Rizal.

[161] Argensola says that the following things were also sent for this expedition: “300 blankets from Ilocos, 700 varas of wool from Castilla, 100 sail-needles, and 30 jars of oil; while the whole cost of the fleet amounted to 22,260 pesos per month.” The expedition, which was profitless, lasted six months.—Rizal.

[162] See VOLS. XII and XII for documents concerning the coming of these mandarins, and the subsequent Chinese insurrection.

[163] Ignacio or Iñigo de Santa Maria, of the Dominican convent of Salamanca, on arriving at the Philippines, was sent to Cagayan. He was later elected prior of the Manila convent, and then definitor. In 1603 he went to Camboja as superior of that mission. Returning thence for more workers that same year, he died at sea. (Reseña Biográfica, Manila, 1891.)

[164] Diego de Soria was born in Yébenes, in the province and diocese of Toledo, and took the Dominican habit in Ocaña. Showing signs of a great preacher he was sent to the College of Santo Tomás in Alcalá de Henares. Thence he went to Manila in 1587 and was one of the founders of the Dominican convent in Manila, of which he was vicar-president until June 10, 1588, when he was chosen its prior in the first provincial chapter of the Philippine province. In 1591 he was sent to Pangasinan, where he remained until 1595, whence he was sent to Cagayan at the instance of Luis Perez Dasmariñas. In 1596, after many successes in Cagayan, he was recalled to Manila as prior of the convent for the second time. Shortly after he was sent to Spain and Rome as procurator. He refused the nomination to the bishopric of Nueva Cáceres, but was compelled to accept that of Nueva Segovia, and reached the islands somewhat later. In 1608 he was in Vigan, his residence. He died in 1613 and was buried in the parish church of Vigan. In 1627 his remains were removed to the Dominican convent at Lallo-c, in accordance with his wishes. (Reseña Biográfica, Manila, 1891.)

[165] Buzeta and Bravo say that Baltasar Covarrubias was appointed to the bishopric in 1604, at which time he entered upon his duties; but that he died in 1607 without having been consecrated.

[166] Copied and condensed from Purchas: His Pilgrimes (London, 1625), book ii, chap. iiii, pp. 55-71, “the third circumnavigation of the globe.” For other accounts of Candish, see Purchas: ut supra, iv, book vi, chap. vi, pp. 1192-1201, and chap. vii, pp. 1210-1242; Bry: Collectiones peregrinationum (Francofurti, 1625), ser. i, vol. iii, pars viii, pp. 35-59; Pieter van der Aa: Zee en landreysen (Leyden, 1706) xx deel, pp. 1-64; and Hakluyt’s Voyages (Goldsmid ed., Edinburgh, 1890), xvi, pp. 1-84.

[167] The area of England and Wales is 58,186 sq. mi., that of Scotland, with its 787 islands, 30,417 (mainland 26,000) sq. mi., and that of Luzón, about 41,000 sq. mi.

[168] See also VOL. XI of this series.

[169] Oliver van Noordt was the first Dutch circumnavigator. For an account of the fight with the Spanish from the side of the Dutch, see Stanley’s translation of Morga, pp. 173-187.

[170] “L’Amsterdam … avoit été amené à Manille avec 51 morts à son bord … que le yacht le Faucon en avoit 34 … que le Faucon avoit été aussí emmené avec 22 morts.”

[171] Spanish accounts, some of which will be published later in this series, relate Spielberg’s bombardment of Iloilo, and his defeat, after disembarking by Diego Quinones in 1616; while he was later completely defeated by Juan Ronquillo at Playa Honda, in 1617.

[172] Following in a translation of the title-page of the other edition of Morga’s work, which shows that a second edition of the Sucesos was published in the same year as was the first. A reduced facsimile of this title-page—from the facsimile reproduction in the Zaragoza edition (Madrid, 1887)—forms the frontispiece to the present volume. It reads thus: “Events in the Philipinas Islands: addressed to Don Christoval Gomez de Sandoval y Rojas, duke de Cea, by Doctor Antonio de Morga, alcalde of criminal causes in the royal Audiencia of Nueva España, and consultor for the Holy Office of the Inquisition. At Mexico in the Indias, in the year 1609.” In the lower left-hand corner of the engraved title appears the engraver’s name: “Samuel Estradanus, of Antwerp, made this.”

[173] The month is omitted in the text.—Stanley.

[174] Fray Diego Bermeo, a native of Toledo, became a Franciscan friar; and in 1580 went to Mexico, and three years later to the Philippines. After spending many years as a missionary in Luzón and Mindoro, he was elected provincial of his order in the islands (in 1599, and again in 1608). Going to Japan as commissary provincial—in 1603, according to Morga, but 1604 as given by Huerta (Estado, p. 446)—he was obliged by severe illness to return to Manila; he died there on December 12, 1609.

[175] Luis Sotelo, belonging to an illustrious family of Sevilla, made his profession as a Franciscan in 1594. Joining the Philippine mission, he reached the islands in 1600; and he spent the next two years in ministering to the Japanese near Manila, and in the study of their language. In 1600 he went to Japan, where he zealously engaged in missionary labors. Ten years later, he was sentenced to death for preaching the Christian religion; but was freed from this danger by Mazamune, king of Boxu, who sent the Franciscan as his ambassador to Rome and Madrid. Returning from this mission, Sotelo arrived in the Philippines in 1618, and four years later resumed his missionary labors in Japan. In 1622 he was again imprisoned for preaching, and was confined at Omura for two years, during which time he wrote several works, in both the Spanish and Japanese languages. Sotelo was finally burned at the stake in Omura, August 25, 1624. See Huerta’s Estado, pp. 392-394.

[176] The present towns of San Nicolás, San Fernando, etc., lying between Binondo and the sea.—Rizal.

[177] This remark of Morga can be applied to many other insurrections that occurred later—not only of Chinese, but also of natives—and probably even to many others which, in the course of time, will be contrived.—Rizal.

[178] These devices, of which certain persons always avail themselves to cause a country to rebel, are the most efficacious to bring such movements to a head. “If thou wishest thy neighbor’s dog to become mad, publish that it is mad,” says an old refrain.—Rizal.

[179] This is the famous Eng-Kang of the histories of Filipinas.—Rizal.

[180] The Rizal edition of Morga omits the last part of this sentence, the original of which is “entre vnos esteros y cienagas, lugar escondido.”

[181] “The Chinese killed father Fray Bernardo de Santo Catalina, agent of the holy office, of the order of St. Dominic … They attacked Quiapo, and after killing about twenty people, set fire to it. Among these they burned alive a woman of rank, and a boy."—Rizal. This citation is made from Leonardo de Argensola’s Conquistas de las Molucas (Madrid, 1609), a synopsis of which will follow Morga’s work.

[182] We are unaware of the exact location of this settlement of Laguio. It is probably the present village of Kiapo, which agrees with the text and is mentioned by Argensola. Nevertheless, from the description of this settlement given by Morga (post, chapter viii) and Chirino, it can be inferred that Laguio was located on the present site of the suburb of La Concepción. In fact, there is even a street called Laguio between Malate and La Ermita.—Rizal.

[183] “Fine helmets were found broken in with clubs… About thirty also escaped (among whom was Father Farfan), who were enabled to do so because of being in the rear, and lightly armed” (Argensola).—Rizal.

[184] Argensola says that the Chinese killed many peaceful merchants in the parián, while others hanged themselves of their own accord. Among these Argensola mentions General Hontay and the rich Chican—according to the relation of Fray Juan Pobre, because the latter had refused to place the famous Eng-Kang at the head of the movement.—Rizal.

[185] “And they tried to persuade the natives to unite with them; but the latter refused, and on the contrary killed as many of the Sangleys as they caught” (Argensola).—Rizal.

[186] Argensola says that “four thousand Pampangos, armed in the custom of their country, with bows and arrows, half-pikes, shields, and long broad daggers,” were sent by the alcalde of Pampanga to the relief of Manila, which now needed soldiers.—Rizal.

[187] In this struggle many cruelties were committed and many quiet and friendly Chinese killed. Don Pedro de Acuña, who could not prevent or stifle this terrible insurrection in its beginnings, also contributed to the horrible butcheries that ensued. “Accordingly many Spaniards and natives went to hunt the disbanded Sangleys, at Don Pedro’s order.” Hernando de Avalos, alcalde of La Pampanga, seized more than 400 pacific Sangleys, “and leading them to an estuary, manacled two and two, delivered them to certain Japanese, who killed them. Father Fray Diego de Guevara of the order of St. Augustine, prior of Manila, who made this relation, preached to the Sangleys first, but only five abandoned their idolatry.” … Would he not have done better to preach to Alcalde Avalos, and to remind him that he was a man? The Spanish historians say that the Japanese and Filipinos showed themselves cruel in the killing of the Chinese. It is quite probable, considering the rancor and hate with which they were regarded. But their commanders contributed to it also by their example. It is said that more than 23,000 Chinese were killed. “Some assert that the number of Sangleys killed was greater, but in order that the illegality committed in allowing so many to enter the country contrary to the royal prohibitions might not be known, the officials covered up or diminished the number of those who perished” (Argensola).—Rizal.

[188] The coming of the Spaniards to the Filipinas, and their government, together with the immigration of the Chinese, killed the industry and agriculture of the country. The terrible competition of the Chinese with any individual of another race is well known, for which reason the United States and Australia refuse to admit them. The indolence, then, of the inhabitants of the Filipinas, is derived from the lack of foresight of the government. Argensola says the same thing, and could not have copied Morga, since their works were published in the same year, in countries very distant from one another, and the two contain wide differences.—Rizal.

The Chinese question has always been of great importance in the Philippines. The dislike of the Filipino for the Chinese seemed instinctive and was deep-rooted. The subject of the Chinese immigration to the islands has served for special legislation on many occasions in Spain, but they have nevertheless persisted in their trading and occupations therein. See Stanley’s edition of Morga, appendix II, pp. 363-368; and Los Chinos en Filipinos (Manila, 1886).

[189] This should be six hundred and four.—Rizal.

[190] Nueva España.—Rizal.

[191] This archbishop seems to have been a principal cause of the disturbance and massacre of the Chinese, by taking a leading part in exciting suspicion against them.—Stanley.

[192] The Arab travelers of the ninth century mention that eunuchs were employed in China, especially for the collection of the revenue, and that they were called thoucam.—Stanley.

[193] “In earlier times a barrier, which ran from Osaka to the border of Yamato and Omi, separated the thirty-three western from the thirty-three eastern provinces. The former were collectively entitled Kuwansei (pronounce Kánsé), i.e., westward of the Gate; the latter Kuwantô (pronounce Kántô), i.e., eastward of the Gate. Later, however, when under the Tokugawa régime the passes leading to the plain in which Yedo, the new capital of Shôgune, grew up were carefully guarded; by the Gate (Kuwan) was understood the great guard on the Hakone Pass, and Kuwantô or Kuwantô-Hashiu, the eight provinces east of it: Sagami, Musashi, Kôtsuke, Shimotsuke, Hitachi, Shimosa, Katsusa, and Awa.” Thus defined by Rein, in his Japan, p. II, Cf. Griffis, Mikado’s Empire, p. 68, note.

[194] A flat-bottomed boat, capable of carrying heavy loads.

[195] Pedro Alvares de Abreu.—Rizal.

[196] According to Argensola, who gives a succinct relation of this expedition, the number engaged in it were as follows: Spaniards and their officers, 1,423; Pampangos and Tagáls (without their chiefs), 344; idem, for maritime and military service, 620; rowers, 649; Indian chiefs, 5; total 3,041. But he adds that all those of the fleet, exclusive of the general’s household and followers, numbered 3,095. Probably the 54 lacking in the above number were the Portuguese under command of Abreu and Camelo, although Argensola does not mention Portuguese soldiers…. The names of the Indian chiefs attending the expedition at their own cost were: Don Guillermo (Palaot), master-of-camp; and Captains Don Francisco Palaot, Don Juan Lit, Don Luis Lont, and Don Agustin Lont. These must have behaved exceedingly well, for after the assault on Ternate, Argensola says: “Not a person of consideration among the Spaniards or the Indians remained unwounded."—Rizal.

[197] Said Dini Baraka ja.—Rizal.

[198] Combés (Mindanao, Retana’s ed., cols. 73, 74) describes the bagacay as a small, slender reed, hardened in fire and sharp-pointed; it is hurled by a Moro at an enemy with unerring skill, and sometimes five are discharged in one volley. He narrates surprising instances of the efficacy of this weapon, and says that “there is none more cruel, at close range.”

[199] Stanley translates this “flat-boats.” Retana and Pastells (Combés’s Mindanao, col. 787) derive this word from Chinese chun, “a boat,” and regard the joanga (juanga) as a small junk.

[200] “The soldiers, having entered the city, gave themselves universally to violence and pillage. Don Pedro had issued a proclamation conceding that all of the enemy captured within those four days, should be slaves” (Argensola). During the sack, which Don Pedro was unable to restrain, neither children nor young girls were spared. One girl was killed because two soldiers disputed for her.—Rizal.

[201] “The prince’s name was Sulamp Gariolano. This step was contrary to the advice of Queen Celicaya” (Argensola).—Rizal.

[202] Sangajy, a Malay title (Marsden).—Stanley.

[203] The Jesuit Father Luis Fernández, Gallinato, and Esquivel made negotiations with the king for this exile, and Father Colin attributes its good outcome to the cleverness of the former. What was then believed to be prudent resulted afterward as an impolitic measure, and bore very fatal consequences; for it aroused the hostility of all the Molucas, even that of their allies, and made the Spanish name as odious as was the Portuguese. The priest Hernando de los Rios, Bokemeyer, and other historians, moreover, accuse Don Pedro de Acuña of bad faith in this; but, strictly judged, we believe that they do so without foundation. Don Pedro in his passport assured the lives of the king and prince, but not their liberty. Doubtless a trifle more generosity would have made the conqueror greater, and the odium of the Spanish name less, while it would have assured Spanish domination of that archipelago. The unfortunate king never returned to his own country. Hernando de los Rios says that during Don Pedro de Acuña’s life he was well treated, but that during the administration of Don Juan de Silva “I have seen him in a poor lodging where all the rain fell on him, and they were starving him to death.” He is described by Argensola as of “robust proportions, and his limbs are well formed. His neck and much of his breast are bare. His flesh is of a cloudy color, rather black than gray. The features of his face are like those of an European. His eyes are large and full, and he seems to dart sparks from them. His large eyelashes, his thick bristling beard, and his mustaches add to his fierceness. He always wears his campilan, dagger, and kris, both with hilts in the form of gilded serpents’ heads.” This description was taken from a picture sent to Spain.—Rizal.

[204] Other disturbances occurred also, because of Don Pedro’s enemies having spread the news that the expedition had been destroyed, and most of those making it killed. “This report, having come to the ears of the Indians, was so harmful that they began to mutiny, especially in the provinces of Camarines and Pintados. The friars who instructed them could already do, nothing with them, for they asked why, since the inhabitants of the Malucos were victorious, should they be subject to the Spaniards, who did not defend them from the Moros. They said that the Moros would plunder them daily with the help of Ternate, and that it would be worse henceforth” (Argensola).—Rizal.

La Concepción states (Hist. de Philipinas, iv, p. 103) that these Japanese were settled in Dilao; and that the immediate cause of their mutiny was the killing of a Japanese by a Spaniard, in a quarrel.

[205] The authors of this poisoning were then known in Manila, and according to Argensola were those envious of the governor. “But although they were known as such, so that the suspicion of the crowd makes them the authors of the poisoning we shall repress their names … for all are now dead” (Argensola).—Rizal.

Cf. La Concepción (Hist. de Philipinas, iv, pp. 105, 106); he ascribes the report of Acuña’s poisoning to the physicians, who sought thus to shield their own ignorance of his disease.

[206] These were the results of having taken the king and his chiefs, who had entrusted themselves to Don Pedro de Acuña, prisoners to Manila, the king of Tidore, the ally of España, had already found means to break the alliance. The governors appointed by the captive king refused to have anything to do with the Spaniards. Fear was rampant in all parts, and the spirit of vengeance was aroused. “When his vassals saw the ill-treatment that the Spaniards inflicted on their king, they hated us so much that they acquired an equal liking for our enemies. (Her. de los Rios).” Don Pedro lacked the chief characteristic of Legazpi.—Rizal.

[207] This relation forms an appendix to Theodore de Bry’s Ninth part of America (Frankfort, 1601), and was printed by Matthew Becker (Frankfort, 1602). The copper plates are different from those of the Dutch edition of the relation.—Stanley.

The plates representing Oliver van Noordt’s fleet, presented in the preceding volume, are taken from tome xvi of Theodore de Bry’s Peregrinationes (first ed.), by courtesy of the Boston Public Library. The title-page of the relation reads in part: “Description dv penible voyage faict entovr de l’univers ou globe terrestre, par Sr. Olivier dv Nort d’Avtrecht, … Le tout translaté du Flamand en Franchois, . . . Imprimé a Amsterdame. Ches Cornille Claessz fur l’Eau au Livre a Escrire, l’An 1602.” This relation was reprinted in 1610, and numerous editions have appeared since.

[208] One of the Canary Islands.

[209] This anchor was given him by a Japanese captain, in Manila Bay, on December 3, 1600.—Stanley.

[210] What we now call Java used to be called Java major, and the island of Bali was Java minor.—Stanley.

[Note: Inasmuch as Morga enters somewhat largely into the ancient customs of the Tagáls and other Filipino peoples in the present chapter, and as some of Rizal’s notes indicative of the ancient culture of those peoples are incorporated in notes that follow, we deem it advisable to invite attention to Lord Stanley’s remarks in the preface to his translation of Morga (p. vii), and Pardo de Tavera’s comment in his Biblioteca Filipina (Washington, 1903), p. 276. Stanley says: “The inhabitants of the Philippines previous to the Spanish settlement were not like the inhabitants of the great Indian Peninsula, people with a civilization as that of their conquerors. Excepting that they possessed the art of writing, and an alphabet of their own, they do not appear to have differed in any way from the Dayaks of Borneo as described by Mr. Boyle in his recent book of adventures amongst that people. Indeed there is almost a coincidence of verbal expressions in the descriptions he and De Morga give of the social customs, habits, and superstitions of the two peoples they are describing; though many of these coincidences are such as are incidental to life in similar circumstances, there are enough to lead one to suppose a community of origin of the inhabitants of Borneo and Luzon.” Pardo de Tavera says after quoting the first part of the above: “Lord Stanley’s opinion is dispassionate and not at all at variance with historical truth.” The same author says also that Blumentritt’s prologue and Rizal’s notes in the latter’s edition of Morga have so aroused the indignation of the Spaniards that several have even attacked Morga.]

[211] More exactly from 25º 40’ north latitude to 12º south latitude, if we are to include Formosa in the group, which is inhabited likewise by the same race.—Rizal.

[212] We confess our ignorance with respect to the origin of this belief of Morga, which, as one can observe, was not his belief in the beginning of the first chapter. Already from the time of Diodorus Siculus (first century B. C.), Europe received information of these islands by one Iamboule, a Greek, who went to them (to Sumatra at least), and who wrote afterward the relation of his voyage. He gave therein detailed information of the number of the islands, of their inhabitants, of their writing, navigation, etc. Ptolemy mentions three islands in his geography, which are called Sindæ in the Latin text. They are inhabited by the Aginnatai. Mercator interprets those islands as Celebes, Gilolo, and Amboina. Ptolemy also mentions the island Agathou Daimonos (Borneo), five Baroussai (Mindanao, Leite, Sebu, etc.), three Sabadeibai (the Java group—Iabadiou) and ten Masniolai where a large loadstone was found. Colin surmises that these are the Manilas.—Rizal.

Colin (Labor Evangelica, Madrid, 1663) discusses the discovery and naming of the Philippines. He quotes Ptolemy’s passage that speaks of islands called the Maniolas, whence many suppose came the name Manilas, sometimes given to the islands. But as pointed out in a letter dated March 14, 1904, by James A. LeRoy, Spanish writers have wasted more time on the question than it merits. Mr. LeRoy probably conjectures rightly that many old Chinese and Japanese documents will be found to contain matter relating to the Philippines prior to the Spanish conquest.

[213] It is very difficult now to determine exactly which is this island of Tendaya, called Isla Filipina for some years. According to Father Urdaneta’s relations, this island was far to the east of the group, past the meridian of Maluco. Mercator locates it in Panay, and Colin in Leyte, between Abuyog and Cabalían—contrary to the opinion of others, who locate it in Ibabao, or south of Samar. But according to other documents of that period, there is no island by that name, but a chief called Tendaya, lord of a village situated in that district; and, as the Spaniards did not understand the Indians well at that time, many contradictions thus arose in the relations of that period. We see that, in Legazpi’s expedition, while the Spaniards talked of islands, the Indians talked of a man, etc. After looking for Tandaya for ten days they had to continue without finding it “and we passed on without seeing Tandaya or Abuyo.” It appears, nevertheless, that the Spaniards continued to give this name to the southwestern part of Samar, calling the southeastern part Ibabao or Zibabao and the northern part of the same island Samar.—Rizal.

[214] Sugbú, in the dialect of the country.—Rizal.

[215] Morga considers the rainy season as winter, and the rest of the year as summer. However this is not very exact, for at Manila, in December, January, and February, the thermometer is lower than in the months of August and September. Consequently, in its seasons it is like those of España and those of all the rest of the northern hemisphere.—Rizal.

[216] The ancient traditions made Sumatra the original home of the Filipino Indians. These traditions, as well as the mythology and genealogies mentioned by the ancient historians, were entirely lost, thanks to the zeal of the religious in rooting out every national pagan or idolatrous record. With respect to the ethnology of the Filipinas, see Professor Blumentritt’s very interesting work, Versuch einer Etnographie der Philippinen (Gotha, Justus Perthes, 1882).—Rizal.

[217] This passage contradicts the opinion referred to in Boyle’s Adventures among the Dyaks of Borneo, respecting the ignorance of the Dyaks in the use of the bow, which seems to imply that other South Sea islanders are supposed to share this ignorance. These aboriginal savages of Manila resemble the Pakatans of Borneo in their mode of life.—Stanley.

[218] We do not know the origin of this word, which does not seem to be derived from China. If we may make a conjecture, we will say that perhaps a poor phonetic transcription has made chinina from the word tininã (from tinã) which in Tagál signifies teñido [“dyed stuff”], the name of this article of clothing, generally of but one color throughout. The chiefs wore these garments of a red color, which made, according to Colin, “of fine gauze from India."—Rizal.

[219] Bahag “a richly dyed cloth, generally edged with gold” among the chiefs.—Rizal.

[220] “They wrapped it in different ways, now in the Moro style, like a turban without the top part, now twisted and turned in the manner of the crown of a hat. Those who esteemed themselves valiant let the ends of the cloth, elaborately embroidered, fall down the back to the buttocks. In the color of the cloth, they showed their chieftaincy, and the device of their undertakings and prowess. No one was allowed to use the red potong until he had killed at least one man. And in order to wear them edged with certain edgings, which were regarded as a crown, they must have killed seven men” (Colin). Even now any Indian is seen to wear the balindang in the manner of the putong. Putong signifies in Tagál, “to crown” or “to wrap anything around the head."—Rizal.

[221] This is the reading of the original (cera hilada). It seems more probable that this should read “spun silk,” and that Morga’s amanuensis misunderstood seda (“silk”) as cera (“wax”), or else it is a misprint.

[222] “They also have strings of bits of ivory” (Colin).—Rizal.

[223] “The last complement of the gala dress was, in the manner of our sashes, a richly dyed shawl crossed at the shoulder and fastened under the arm” (even today the men wear the lambong or mourning garment in this manner) “which was very usual with them. The Bisayans, in place of this, wore robes or loose garments, well made and collarless, reaching to the instep, and embroidered in colors. All their costume, in fact, was in the Moorish manner, and was truly elegant and rich; and even today they consider it so” (Colin).—Rizal.

[224] This manner of headdress, and the long robe of the Visayans, have an analogy with the Japanese coiffure and kimono.—Rizal.

[225] Barõ.—Rizal.

[226] A tree (Entada purseta) which grows in most of the provinces of the Philippines. It contains a sort of filament, from which is extracted a soapy foam, which is much used for washing clothes. This foam is also used to precipitate the gold in the sand of rivers. Rizal says the most common use is that described above.

[227] This custon still exists.—Rizal.

[228] This custom exists also among the married women of Japan, as a sign of their chastity. It is now falling into disuse.—Rizal.

[229] The Filipinos were careful not to bathe at the hour of the siesta, after eating, during the first two days of a cold, when they have the herpes, and some women during the period of menstruation.—Rizal.

[230] This work, although not laborious, is generally performed now by the men, while the women do only the actual cleaning of the rice.—Rizal.

[231] This custom is still to be seen in some parts.—Rizal.

[232] A name given it by the Spaniards. Its Tagál name is kanin.—Rizal.

[233] The fish mentioned by Morga is not tainted, but is the bagoong.—Rizal.

[234] A term applied to certain plants (Atmaranthus, Celosia, etc.) of which the leaves are boiled and eaten.

[235] From the Tagál tubã, meaning sap or juice.—Rizal.

[236] The Filipinos have reformed in this respect, due perhaps to the wine-monopoly. Colin says that those intoxicated by this wine were seldom disagreeable or dangerous, but rather more witty and sprightly; nor did they show any ill effects from drinking it.—Rizal.

[237] This weapon has been lost, and even its name is gone. A proof of the decline into which the present Filipinos have fallen is the comparison of the weapons that they manufacture now, with those described to us by the historians. The hilts of the talibones now are not of gold or ivory, nor are their scabbards of horn, nor are they admirably wrought.—Rizal.

Balarao, dagger, is a Vissayan word.—Stanley.

[238] The only other people who now practice head-hunting are the Mentenegrins.—Stanley.

[239] A Tagál word meaning oar.—Stanley.

[240] A common device among barbarous or semi-civilized peoples, and even among boatmen in general. These songs often contain many interesting and important bits of history, as well as of legendary lore.

[241] Karang, signifying awnings.—Rizal and Stanley.

[242] The Filipinos, like the inhabitants of the Marianas—who are no less skilful and dexterous in navigation—far from progressing, have retrograded; since, although boats are now built in the islands, we might assert that they are all after European models. The boats that held one hundred rowers to a side and thirty soldiers have disappeared. The country that once, with primitive methods, built ships of about 2,000 toneladas, today [1890] has to go to foreign ports, as Hong-Kong, to give the gold wrenched from the poor, in exchange for unserviceable cruisers. The rivers are blocked up, and navigation in the interior of the islands is perishing, thanks to the obstacles created by a timid and mistrusting system of government; and there scarcely remains in the memory anything but the name of all that naval architecture. It has vanished, without modern improvements having come to replace it in such proportion as, during the past centuries, has occurred in adjacent countries….—Rizal.

[243] It seems that some species of trees disappeared or became very scarce because of the excessive ship-building that took place later. One of them is the betis.—Rizal.

Blanco states (Flora, ed. 1845, p. 281) that the betis (Azaola betis) was common in Pampanga and other regions.

Delgado describes the various species of trees in the Philippines in the first six treatises of the first part of the fourth book of Historia general de Filipinas (Manila, 1892). He mentions by name more than seventy trees grown on the level plains and near the shores; more than forty fruit-trees; more than twenty-five species grown in the mountains; sixteen that actually grow in the water; and many kinds of palms. See also Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1902), pp. 85-95, and Buzeta and Bravo’s Diccionario (Madrid, 1850), i, pp. 29-36.

[244] Sanctor is called santol (Sandoricum indicum—Cavanilles), in Delgado (ut supra, note 71). The tree resembles a walnut-tree. Its leaves are rounded and as large as the palm of the hand, and are dark green in color. Excellent preserves are made from the fruit, which was also eaten raw by the Indians. The leaves of the tree have medicinal properties and were used as poultices. Mabolo (Diospyros discolor—Willd.) signifies in Tagál a thing or fruit enclosed in a soft covering. The tree is not very high. The leaves are large, and incline to a red color when old. The fruit is red and as large as a medium-sized quince, and has several large stones. The inside of the fruit is white, and is sweet and firm, and fragrant, but not very digestible. The wood resembles ebony, is very lustrous, and is esteemed for its solidity and hardness. The nanca [nangka, nangca; translated by Stanley, jack-fruit] (Artocarpus integrifolia—Willd.), was taken to the Philippines from India, where it was called yaca. The tree is large and wide-spreading, and has long narrow leaves. It bears fruit not only on the branches, but on the trunk and roots. The fruit is gathered when ripe, at which time it exhales an aromatic odor. On opening it a yellowish or whitish meat is found, which is not edible. But in this are found certain yellow stones, with a little kernel inside resembling a large bean; this is sweet, like the date, but has a much stronger odor. It is indigestible, and when eaten should be well masticated. The shells are used in cooking and resemble chestnuts. The wood is yellow, solid, and especially useful in making certain musical instruments. Buzeta and Bravo (Diccionario, i, p. 35) say that there are more than fifty-seven species of bananas in the Philippines.

[245] Pilê (Canarium commune—Linn.). Delgado (ut supra) says that this was one of the most notable and useful fruits of the islands. It was generally confined to mountainous regions and grew wild. The natives used the fruit and extracted a white pitch from the tree. The fruit has a strong, hard shell. The fruit itself resembles an almond, both in shape and taste, although it is larger. The tree is very high, straight, and wide-spreading. Its leaves are larger than those of the almond-tree.

[246] Delgado (ut supra) describes the tree (Cedrela toona—Roxb.) called calanta in Tagál, and lanipga in Visayan. The tree is fragrant and has wood of a reddish color. It was used for making the hulls of vessels, because of its strength and lightness. The same author describes also the asana (Pterocarpus indicus—Willd.) or as it is called in the Visayas, naga or narra—as an aromatic tree, of which there are two varieties, male and female. The wood of the male tree is pinkish, while that of the female tree is inclined to white. They both grow to a great size and are used for work requiring large timber. The wood has good durable qualities and is very impervious to water, for which reason it was largely used as supports for the houses. Water in which pieces of the wood were placed, or the water that stood in vessels made of this wood, had a medicinal value in dropsy and other diseases. In the provinces of Albay and Camarines the natives made curiously-shaped drinking vessels from this wood.

[247] So many cattle were raised that Father Gaspar de San Agustin, when speaking of Dumangas, says: “In this convent we have a large ranch for the larger cattle, of so many cows that they have at times numbered more than thirty, thousand … and likewise this ranch contains many fine horses."—Rizal.

[248] To the flesh of this fowl, called in Tagál ulikbâ, are attributed medicinal virtues.—Rizal.

[249] These animals now [1890] exist in the islands, but are held in small esteem.—Rizal.

[250] See chapter on the mammals of the islands, in Report of U. S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, pp. 307-312. At its end is the statement that but one species of monkey is known, and one other is reported, to exist in the Philippines; and that “the various other species of monkey which have been assigned to the Philippines by different authors are myths pure and simple.”

[251] Camalote, for gamalote, a plant like maize, with a leaf a yard long and an inch wide. This plant grows to a height of two yards and a half, and when green serves for food for horses (Caballero’s Dictionary, Madrid, 1856).—Stanley.

At that time the name for zacate (hay).—Rizal.

[252] In Japanese fimbari, larks (Medhurst’s Japanese Vocabulary).—Stanley.

[253] Pogos, from the Tagál pugô.—Rizal.

Delgado (ut supra) describes the pogos as certain small gray birds, very similar to the sparrows in Spain. They are very greedy, and if undisturbed would totally destroy the rice-fields. Their scientific name is Excalfactoria chinensis (Linn.).

[254] Stanley conjectures that this word is a misprint for maynelas, a diminutive of maina, a talking bird. Delgado (ut supra) describes a bird called maya (Munia jagori—Cab.; Ploceus baya—Blyth.; and Ploceus hypoxantha—Tand.), which resembles the pogo, being smaller and of a cinnamon color, which pipes and has an agreeable song.

[255] Stanley translates this as “wild ducks.” Delgado (ut supra) describes a bird called lapay (Dendrocygna vagans—Eyton.), as similar to the duck in body, but with larger feet, which always lives in the water, and whose flesh is edible.

[256] For descriptions of the birds in the Philippines, see Delgado (ut supra) book v, part i, 1st treatise, pp. 813-853; Report of U.S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, pp. 312-316; and Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1902), pp. 170, 171. There are more than five hundred and ninety species of birds in the islands, of which three hundred and twenty-five are peculiar to the archipelago, and largely land birds. There are thirty-five varieties of doves and pigeons, all edible.

[257] There are now domestic rabbits, and plenty of peacocks.—Rizal.

[258] Doubtless the python, which is often domesticated in the Philippines. See VOL. XII, p. 259, note 73.

[259] La Gironiére (Twenty Years in the Philippines—trans. from French, London, 1853) describes an interesting fight with a huge crocodile near his settlement of Jala-Jala. The natives begged for the flesh in order to dry it and use it as a specific against asthma, as they believed that any asthmatic person who lived on the flesh for a certain time would be infallibly cured. Another native wished the fat as an antidote for rheumatic pain. The head of this huge reptile was presented to an American, who in turn presented it to the Boston Museum. Unfortunately La Gironiére’s picturesque descriptions must often be taken with a grain of salt. For some information regarding the reptiles of the islands see Report of U.S. Philippine Commission,, 1900, iii, pp. 317-319.

[260] Unless we are mistaken, there is a fish in the Filipinas called Pámpano.—Rizal.

[261] For catalogue and scientific description of the mollusks of the Philippines, see the work of Joaquín González Hidalgo—now (1904) in course of publication by the Real Academia de Ciencias of Madrid—Estudios preliminares sobre la fauna malacológica de las Islas Filipinas.

[262] The Río Grande.—Rizal.

[263] No fish is known answering to this description.—Stanley.

[264] The island of Talim.—Rizal.

[265] Retana thinks (Zúñiga, ii, p. 545*) that this device was introduced among the Filipinos by the Borneans.

[266] A species of fishing-net. Stanley’s conjecture is wrong.

[267] Esparavel is a round fishing-net, which is jerked along by the fisher through rivers and shallow places. Barredera is a net of which the meshes are closer and tighter than those of common nets, so that the smallest fish may not escape it.

[268] Cf. methods of fishing of North American Indians, Jesuit Relations, vi, pp. 309-311, liv, pp. 131, 306-307.

[269] A species of fish in the Mediterranean, about three pulgadas [inches] long. Its color is silver, lightly specked with black.

[270] The fish now called lawlaw is the dry, salted sardine. The author evidently alludes to the tawilis of Batangas, or to the dilis, which is still smaller, and is used as a staple by the natives.—Rizal.

For information regarding the fishes of the Philippines, see Delgado (ut supra), book v, part iv, pp. 909-943; Gazetteer of the Philippine Islands (ut supra), pp. 171-172; and (with description of methods of fishing) Report of U. S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, pp. 319-324.

[271] Pahõ. A species of very small mango from one and one-half to five centimeters in its longer diameter. It has a soft pit, and exhales a strong pitchy odor.—Rizal.

[272] A Spanish word signifying a cryptogamous plant; perhaps referring to some species of mushroom.

[273] In Tagál this is kasubhã. It comes from the Sanskrit kasumbha, or Malay kasumba (Pardo de Tavera’s El Sanscrito en la lengua tagalog).—Rizal.

This plant is the safflower or bastard saffron (Certhamus tinctorius); its flowers are used in making a red dye.

[274] Not a tree, but a climber. The plants are cultivated by training them about some canes planted in the middle of certain little channels which serve to convey irrigation to the plant twice each day. A plantation of betel—or ikmó, as the Tagáls call it—much resembles a German hop-garden.—Rizal.

[275] This fruit is not that of the betel or buyo, but of the bonga (Tagál buñga), or areca palm.—Rizal.

[276] Not quicklime, but well slaked lime.—Rizal.

Rizal misprints un poco de cal viva for vn poluc de cal viua.

[277] The original word is marcada. Rizal is probably correct in regarding it as a misprint for mascada, chewed.

[278] It is not clear who call these caskets by that name. I imagine it to be the Spanish name, properly spelt buxeta. The king of Calicut’s betel box is called buxen in the Barcelona MS. of the Malabar coasts.—Stanley.

[279] See VOL. IV, p. 222, note 31; also Delgado (ut supra), pp. 667-669. Delgado says that bonga signifies fruit.

[280] Tagál, tukõ.—Rizal.

[281] This word in the original is visitandolas; Rizal makes it irritandolas (shaking or irritating them), but there are not sufficient grounds for the change.

[282] The Indians, upon seeing that wealth excited the rapacity of the encomenderos and soldiers, abandoned the working of the mines, and the religious historians assert that they counseled them to a similar action in order to free them from annoyances. Nevertheless, according to Colin (who was “informed by well-disposed natives”) more than 100,000 pesos of gold annually, conservatively stated, was taken from the mines during his time, after eighty years of abandonment. According to “a manuscript of a grave person who had lived long in these islands” the first tribute of the two provinces of Ilocos and Pangasinan alone amounted to 109,500 pesos. A single encomendero, in 1587, sent 3,000 taheles of gold in the “Santa Ana,” which was captured by Cavendish.—Rizal.

[283] This was prohibited later.—Rizal.

[284] See VOL. XIV, pp. 301-304.

According to Hernando de los Rios the province of Pangasinan was said to contain a quantity of gold, and that Guido de Labazaris sent some soldiers to search for it; but they returned in a sickly state and suppressed all knowledge of the mines in order not to be sent back there. The Dominican monks also suppressed all knowledge of the mines on account of the tyranny of which gold had been the cause in the West Indies.—Stanley.

[285] Pearl-fishing is still carried on along the coasts of Mindanao and Palawan, and in the Sulu archipelago. In the latter region pearls are very abundant and often valuable; the fisheries there are under the control of the sultan of Sulu, who rents them, appropriating for himself the largest pearls.

[286] Probably the cowry (Cypræa moneta). Crawfurd states (Dict. Ind. Islands, p. 117) that in the Asiatic archipelago this shell is found only on the shores of the Sulu group, and that it “seems never to have been used for money among the Indian Islanders as it has immemorially been by the Hindus.”

[287] Jagor, Travels in the Philippines (Eng. trans., London, 1875), devotes a portion of his chapter xv to these jars. He mentions the great prices paid by the Japanese for these vessels. On p. 164, occurs a translation of the above paragraph, but it has been mistranslated in two places. Stanley cites the similar jars found among the Dyaks of Borneo—the best called gusih—which were valued at from $1,500 to $3,000, while the second grade were sold for $400. That they are very ancient is proved by one found among other remains of probably the copper age. From the fact that they have been found in Cambodia, Siam, Cochinchina, and the Philippines, Rizal conjectures that the peoples of these countries may have had a common center of civilization at one time.

[288] “Not many years ago,” says Colin (1663), “a large piece [of ambergris] was found in the island of Joló, that weighed more than eight arrobas, of the best kind, namely, the gray."—Rizal.

[289] This industry must now be forgotten, for it is never heard of.—Rizal.

[290] Perhaps Morga alludes to the sinamay, which was woven from abaká, or filament of the plant Musa textilis. The abaká is taken from the trunk and not the leaf.—Rizal.

[291] This name seems to be Malay, Babu-utan, wild swine.—Stanley.

[292] The men of these islands were excellent carpenters and ship-builders. “They make many very light vessels, which they take through the vicinity for sale in a very curious manner. They build a large vessel, undecked, without iron nail or any fastening. Then, according to the measure of its hull, they make another vessel that fits into it. Within that they put a second and a third. Thus a large biroco contains ten or twelve vessels, called biroco, virey, barangay, and binitan.” These natives were “tattooed, and were excellent rowers and sailors; and although they are upset often, they never drown.” The women are very masculine. “They do not drink from the rivers, although the water is very clear, because it gives them nausea…. The women’s costumes are chaste and pretty, for they wear petticoats in the Bisayan manner, of fine medriñaque, and lamboncillos, which resemble close-fitting sayuelos [i.e., woolen shifts worn by certain classes of religious]. They wear long robes of the same fine medriñaque. They gather the hair, which is neatly combed, into a knot, on top of the head, and place a rose in it. On their forehead they wear a band of very fine wrought gold, two fingers wide. It is very neatly worked and on the side encircling the head it is covered with colored taffeta. In each ear they wear three gold earrings, one in the place where Spanish women wear them, and two higher up. On their feet they wear certain coverings of thin brass, which sound when they walk.” (The citations herein are from Colin.) These islands have also retrograded.—Rizal.

[293] Cavite derives its name from the Tagál word cavit, a creek, or bend, or hook, for such is its form.—Stanley.

[294] This province had decreased so greatly in population and agriculture, a half century later, that Gaspar de San Agustin said: “Now it no longer has the population of the past, because of the insurrection of that province, when Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara was governor of these islands, and because of the incessant cutting of the timber for the building of his Majesty’s ships, which prevents them from cultivating their extremely fertile plain.” Later, when speaking of Guagua or Wawà, he says: “This town was formerly very wealthy because of its many chiefs, and because of the abundant harvests gathered in its spacious plains, which are now submerged by the water of the sea."—Rizal.

[295] Now the port of Sorsogón.—Rizal.

[296] Now the port of Mariveles (?).—Rizal.

[297] Subik (?).—Rizal.

[298] Mindoro is at present [1890] so depopulated that the minister of the Colonies, in order to remedy this result of Spanish colonization, wishes to send there the worst desperadoes of the peninsula, to see if great criminals will make good colonists and farmers. All things considered, given the condition of those who go, it is indubitable that the race that succeeds must know how to defend itself and live, so that the island may not be depopulated again.—Rizal.

[299] Samar. This proves contrary to the opinion of Colin, who places Tendaya in Leite.—Rizal.

[300] Southeastern part of Samar.—Rizal.

[301] Colin says, however, that they did tattoo the chins and about the eyes [barbas y cejas]. The same author states also that the tattooing was done little by little and not all at once. “The children were not tattooed, but the women tattooed one hand and part of the other. In this island of Manila the Ilocos also tattooed themselves, although not so much as did the Visayans.” The Negritos, Igorrotes, and other independent tribes of the Filipinas still tattoo themselves. The Christians have forgotten the practice. The Filipinas used only the black color, thus differing from the Japanese, who employ different colors, as red and blue, and carry the art to a rare perfection. In other islands of the Pacific, the women tattoo themselves almost as much as the men. Dr. Wilhelm Joest’s Tätowiren Narbenzeichnen und Körperbemahlen (Berlin, 1887) treats the matter very succinctly.—Rizal.

[302] This is a confused statement, after what just precedes it and according to the evidence of Father Chirino (see VOL. XII, chapter vii). Morga must mean that they wore no cloak or covering when they went outside the house, as did the Tagáls (both men and women), who used a kind of cape.—Rizal. [This is the sense in which Stanley understood and translated this passage.]

[303] Gûbat, grove, field, in Tagál. Mangubat [so printed in the text of Rizal’s edition] signifies in Tagál “to go hunting, or to the wood,” or even “to fight."—Rizal.

[304] “At the arrival of the Spaniards at this island (Panay)” says San Agustín, “it was said to have more than 50,000 families. But they decreased greatly … and at present it has about 14,000 tributarios—6,000 apportioned to the crown, and 8,000 to individual encomenderos.” They had many gold-mines, and obtained gold by washing the sand in the Panay River; “but instigated by the outrages received from the alcaldes-mayor,” says the same historian, “they have ceased to dig it, preferring to live in poverty than to endure such troubles."—Rizal.

[305] This entire paragraph is omitted in the Rizal edition. In the original it is as follows:

La Lengua de todos, los Pintados y Bicayas, es vna mesma, por do se entienden, hablando y escriuiendo, en letras y caratores que tienen particulares, que semejan á los Arabigos, y su comun escribir entre los naturales, es en hojas de arboles, y en cañas, sobre la corteza; que en todas las islas ay muchas, de disforme grueso los cañutos, y el pie es vn arbol muy grueso y maciço.

[306] This difference is no greater than that between the Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian.—Rizal.

[307] See Chirino (Relacion de las islas Filipinas) VOL. XII, chapters xv-xvii. His remarks, those of Morga, and those of other historians argue a considerable amount of culture among the Filipino peoples prior to the Spanish conquest. A variety of opinions have been expressed as to the direction of the writing. Chirino, San Antonio, Zúñiga, and Le Gentil, say that it was vertical, beginning at the top. Colin, Ezguerra, and Marche assert that it was vertical but in the opposite direction. Colin says that the horizontal form was adopted after the arrival of the Spaniards. Mas declares that it was horizontal and from left to right, basing his arguments upon certain documents in the Augustinian archives in Manila. The eminent Filipino scholar, Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera has treated the subject in a work entitled “Contribucion para el estudio de los antiguos alfabetos filipinos” (Losana, 1884). See Rizal’s notes on p. 291 of his edition of Morga.

[308] This portion of this sentence is omitted in Stanley.

[309] Báhay is “house” in Tagál; pamamáhay is that which is in the interior and the house. Bahandin may be a misprint for bahayín, an obsolete derivative.—Rizal.

[310] Cf. this and following sections with Loarca’s relation, VOL. V, of this series; and with Plasencia’s account, VOL. VII, pp. 173-196.

[311] Timawá.—Rizal.

[312] The condition of these slaves was not always a melancholy one. Argensola says that they ate at the same table with their masters, and married into their families. The histories fail to record the assassination for motives of vengeance of any master or chief by the natives, as they do of encomenderos. After the conquest the evil deepened. The Spaniards made slaves without these pretexts, and without those enslaved being Indians of their jurisdiction—going moreover, to take them away from their own villages and islands. Fernando de los Rios Coronel, in his memorial to the king (Madrid, 1621) pp. 24-25, speaks in scathing terms of the cruelties inflicted on the natives in the construction of ships during the governorship of Juan de Silva. A letter from Felipe II to Bishop Domingo de Salazar shows the awful tyranny exercised by the encomenderos upon the natives, whose condition was worse than that of slaves.—Rizal.

[313] For remarks on the customs formerly observed by the natives of Pampanga in their suits, see appendix to this volume.

[314] This fundamental agreement of laws, and this general uniformity, prove that the mutual relations of the islands were widespread, and the bonds of friendship more frequent than were wars and quarrels. There may have existed a confederation, since we know from the first Spaniards that the chief of Manila was commander-in-chief of the sultan of Borneo. In addition, documents of the twelfth century that exist testify the same thing.—Rizal.

[315] This word must be sagigilid in its Tagál form. The root gílid signifies in Tagál, “margin,” “strand,” or “shore.” The reduplication of the first syllable, if tonic, signifies active future action. If not tonic and the suffix an be added, it denotes the place where the action of the verb is frequently executed. The preposition sa indicates place, time, reference. The atonic reduplication may also signify plurality, in which case the singular noun would be sagílid, i.e., “at the margin,” or “the last”—that is, the slave. Timawá signifies now in Tagál, “in peace, in quietness, tranquil, free,” etc. Maginoo, from the root ginoo, “dignity,” is now the title of the chiefs; and the chief’s reunion is styled kaginoóhan. Colin says, nevertheless, that the Chiefs used the title gat or lakan, and the women dayang. The title of mama applied now to men, corresponds to “uncle,” “Señor,” “Monsieur,” “Mr.,” etc.; and the title al of women to the feminine titles corresponding to these.—Rizal.

[316] Namamahay (from bahay, “house”), “he who lives in his own house.” This class of slaves, if they may be so called, exists even yet. They are called kasamá (because of being now the laborers of a capitalist or farmer), bataan (“servant,” or “domestic”), kampon, tao, etc.

[317] This class of slavery still exists [1890] in many districts, especially in the province of Batangas; but it must be admitted that their condition is quite different from that of the slave in Greece or Rome, or that of the negro, and even of those made slaves formerly by the Spaniards. Thanks to their social condition and to their number in that time, the Spanish domination met very little resistance, while the Filipino chiefs easily lost their independence and liberty. The people, accustomed to the yoke, did not defend the chiefs from the invader, nor attempt to struggle for liberties that they never enjoyed. For the people, it was only a change of masters. The nobles, accustomed to tyrannize by force, had to accept the foreign tyranny, when it showed itself stronger than their own. Not encountering love or elevated feelings in the enslaved mass, they found themselves without force or power.—Rizal.

[318] Inasawa, or more correctly asawa (consort).—Rizal.

[319] This dowry, if one may call it so, represented to the parents an indemnity for the care and vigilance that they had exercised in their daughter’s education. The Filipina woman, never being a burden to any one (either to her parents or to her husband), but quite the contrary, represents a value, whose loss to the possessor must be substituted…. The Tagál wife is free, and treated with consideration; she trades and contracts, almost always with the approbation of her husband, who consults her in all his acts. She takes care of the money, and educates the children, half of whom belong to her…—Rizal.

[320] Bigay-káya, “to give what one can,” “a voluntary offering, a present of good will” … This bigay-káya devolved entire to the married couple, according to Colin, if the son-in-law was obedient to his parents-in-law; if not, it was divided among all the heirs. “Besides the dowry, the chiefs used to give certain gifts to the parents and relatives, and even to the slaves, which were great or less according to the rank of the one married.” (Colin).—Rizal.

[321] This good custom still exists, … although it is gradually passing away.—Rizal.

[322] Such is the law throughout most parts of Asia; in Siam the woman becomes free without having children. It is only in America that fathers could and did sell their own children into slavery.—Stanley.

[323] This condition of affairs and the collection of usury is true still [1890]. Morga’s words prove true not only of the Indian, but also of the mestizos, the Spaniards, and even of various religious. So far has it gone that the government itself not only permits it, but also exacts the capital and even the person to pay the debts of others, as happens with the cabeza de barangay [head of a barangay].—Rizal.

[324] The tam-tam and the pum-piang are still used.—Rizal.

[325] The early Filipinos had a great horror of theft, and even the most anti-Filipino historian could not accuse them of being a thievish race. Today, however, they have lost their horror of that crime. One of the old Filipino methods of investigating theft was as follows: “If the crime was proved, but not the criminal, if more than one was suspected … each suspect was first obliged to place a bundle of cloth, leaves, or whatever he wished on a pile, in which the thing stolen might be hidden. Upon the completion of this investigation if the stolen property was found in the pile, the suit ceased.” The Filipinos also practiced customs very similar to the “judgments of God” of the middle ages, such as putting suspected persons, by pairs, under the water and adjudging guilty him who first emerged.—Rizal.

[326] The Filipino today prefers a beating to scoldings or insults.—Rizal.

[327] From bago, new, and tao, man: he who has become a man.—Rizal.

[328] In speaking of a similar custom in Australia, Eyre (Central Australia, i, p. 213), says: “This extraordinary and inexplicable custom must have a great tendency to prevent the rapid increase of the population."—Stanley. [Stanley does not translate this paragraph of the text.]

[329] It appears that the natives called anito a tutelary genius, either of the family, or extraneous to it. Now, with their new religious ideas, the Tagáls apply the term anito to any superstition, false worship, idol, etc.—Rizal.

[330] Others besides Morga mention oratories in caves, where the idols were kept, and where aromatics were burned in small brasiers. Chirino found small temples in Taitay adjoining the principal houses. [See VOL. XII. of this series, chapter xxi.] It appears that temples were never dedicated to bathala maykapal, nor was sacrifice ever offered him. The temples dedicated to the anito were called ulañgo.—Rizal.

[331] San Agustín says that hell was called solad, and paradise, kalualhatian (a name still in existence), and in poetical language, ulugan. The blest abodes of the inhabitants of Panay were in the mountain of Madias.—Rizal.

[332] Cf. the “wake” of the Celtic and Gaelic peasants. Cf. also the North-American Indian burial ceremonies, and reverence paid to the dead, in Jesuit Relations, i, p. 215; ii, pp. 21, 149; viii, p. 21; x, pp. 169, 247, 283-285, 293; xiii, 259; xxi, 199; xxiii, 31; lxv, 141; etc.

In the Filipino burials, there were mourners who composed panegyrics in honor of the dead, like those made today. “To the sound of this sad music the corpse was washed, and perfumed with storax, gum-resin, or other perfumes made from tree gums, which are found in all these woods. Then the corpse was shrouded, being wrapped in more or less cloth according to the rank of the deceased. The bodies of the more wealthy were anointed and embalmed in the manner of the Hebrews, with aromatic liquors, which preserved them from decay…. The burial-place of the poor was in pits dug in the ground under their own houses. After the bodies of the rich and powerful were kept and bewailed for three days, they were placed in a chest or coffin of incorruptible wood, adorned with rich jewels, and with small sheets of gold in the mouth and over the eyes. The coffin was all in one piece, and the lid was so adjusted that no air could enter. Because of these precautions the bodies have been found after many years, still uncorrupted. These coffins were deposited in one of three places, according to the inclination and arrangement of the deceased, either on top of the house among the treasures … or underneath it, but raised from the ground; or in the ground itself, in an open hole surrounded with a small railing … nearby they were wont to place another box filled with the best clothes of the deceased; and at meal-time they set various articles of food there in dishes. Beside the men were laid their weapons, and beside the women their looms or other implements of work” (Colin).—Rizal.

[333] Kasis. This is another instance of the misapplication of this Arabic term, which means exclusively a Christian priest.—Stanley.

[334] This custom has not fallen into disuse among the Filipinos, even among the Catholics.—Rizal.

Lieutenant Charles Norton Barney, of the medical department of the U. S. Army, has an article in Journal of the Association of Military Surgeons for September, 1903, on “Circumcision and Flagellation among the Filipinos.” In regard to circumcision he states that it “is a very ancient custom among the Philippine indios, and so generalized that at least seventy or eighty per cent of males in the Tagál country have undergone the operation.” Those uncircumcised at the age of puberty are taunted by their fellows, and such are called “suput,” a word formerly meaning “constricted” or “tight,” but now being extended to mean “one who cannot easily gain entrance in sexual intercourse.” The “operation has no religious significance,” nor is it done for cleanliness, “but from custom and disinclination to be ridiculed,” probably [as Morga proves] having been learned from the Moros. The friars were unable to check the custom. Among the Tagáls the operation is called “tuli,” and the method of circumcising is described at length. The author derives his information from a mestizo and a full-blooded native. The custom is mentioned by Foreman.

[335] Appellation given to their ecclesiastical sages by Mahometans.

[336] See the king’s decree granting this coat-of-arms, in VOL. IX, pp. 211-215, with two representations of the coat-of-arms.

[337] Convents occupy almost one-third part of the walled city.—Rizal.

[338] The walls did not even have any moats then; these were dug after the English invasion of 1762. The walls were also rearranged at that time, and perfected with the lapse of time and the needs that arose in the city.—Rizal.

[339] Rizal misprints al cabo del lienço as al campo del lienzo.

[340] Now [1890] the gates of the city are open all night, and in certain periods, passage along the streets and through the walls is allowed at all hours.—Rizal.

[341] This powder-mill has several times changed its site. It was afterward near Maalat on the seashore, and then was moved to Nagtahá, on the bank of the Pasig.—Rizal.

[342] Probably on the same site where the great Tagál cannon-foundry had formerly stood, which was burned and destroyed by the Spaniards at their first arrival in Manila. San Agustin declares the Tagál foundry to have been as large as that at Málaga.—Rizal.

[343] The Rizal edition omits the words, muy grande y autorizada, capilla aparte, camara del sello real.

[344] The treasury building. The governor’s palace was destroyed in 1863.—Rizal.

[345] The Audiencia and cabildo buildings were also destroyed, but the latter has been rebuilt.—Rizal.

[346] The Rizal edition misprints sacristan as sacristías.

[347] This is the largest convent in Manila.—Rizal.

[348] Among the Jesuits, that part of a college where the pensioners or boarders live and receive their instruction.

[349] This college of San José was founded in 1601, although the royal decree for it had been conceded in 1585. The number of collegiates to enter was thirteen, among whom was a nephew of Francisco Tello and a son of Dr. Morga. From its inception Latin was taught there. In a suit with the College of Santo Tomás, the Jesuits obtained a favorable decision; and it was recognized as the older institution, and given the preference in public acts. The historians say that at its inauguration the students wore bonnets covered with diamonds and pearls. At present [1890] this college, after having moved from house to house, has become a school of pharmacy attached to Santo Tomás, and directed by the Dominican rector.—Rizal.

[350] After many varying fortunes, this institution has wholly disappeared.—Rizal.

[351] The Confraternity of Mercy [Hermandad de la Misericordia] was founded in 1594, by an ecclesiastic named Juan Fernández de León.—Rizal.

[352] San Juan de Dios [St. John of God].—Rizal.

[353] Better, Maalat. The Spaniards pronounced this later Malate. There lived the chief Tagáls after they were deprived of their houses in Manila, among whom were the families of Raja Matanda and Raja Soliman. San Augustín says that even in his day many of the ancient nobility dwelt there, and that they where very urbane and cultured. “The Men hold various positions in Manila, and certain occupations in some of the local public functions. The women make excellent lace, in which they are so skilfull that the Dutch women cannot surpass them.” This is still true of the women.—Rizal.

[354] Now the town of Paco.—Rizal.

[355] Recopilación de leyes, lib. ii, tit. xv, ley xi, defines the district of the Audiencia and states certain perogatives of the governor and auditors as follows: “In the city of Manila, in the island of Luzon, capital of the Felipinas, shall reside our royal Audiencia and Chancillería, with a president who shall be governor and captain-general, four auditors, who shall also be alcaldes of criminal cases, one fiscal, one alguacil-mayor, one lieutenant of the grand chancillor, and the other ministers and officials necessary. It shall have as its district the said island of Luzon, and all the rest of the Filipinas, the archipelago of China and its mainland as yet discovered and to be discovered. We order the governor and captain-general of the said islands and provinces and president of the royal Audiencia in them, to hold personal charge in peace and war of the superior government of all the district of the said Audiencia, and to make the provisions and concessions in our royal name, which in accordance with the laws of this Recopilación and of these kingdoms of Castilla, and with the instructions and powers that he shall get from us, he should and can make. In things and matters of importance that arise in the government, the said president governor shall discuss them with the auditors of the said Audiencia, so that they, after consulting, may give him their opinion. He, after hearing them, shall take what course is most advisable to the service of God and to ours, and the peace and quiet of that province and community.” Felipe II, Aranjuez, May 5, 1583; Toledo, May 25, 1596, in ordinance of the Audiencia; Felipe IV in this Recopilación.

[356] The original is canongias, raciones, y medias raciones, which literally refers to the office or prebend instead of the individual. We retain the above terms as expressing the persons who held these prebends.

[357] Literaly, the original translates “in the islands of Sebu, Cagayan, and Camerines.”

[358] This is so changed now [1890] and the employees so increased in number, that the annual expenses amount to more than 2,000,000 pesos, while the intendant’s salary is 12,000 pesos.—Rizal.

[359] This city has disapeared from the map and from the earth. An inconsiderable town named Lal-ló occupies its site. It is still [1890], however, named as the appointment of the bishopric of Bigan, the actual residence of the bishop.—Rizal.

[360] An attempt was made to supply the lack of prebends in the cathedral cities of the Philippines by the following law: “Inasmuch as the bishops of the churches of Nueva Cáceres, Nueva Segovia, and of the Name of Jesus of the Filipinas Islands should have men to assist them in the pontifical acts, and the bishops should have all the propriety possible in their churches, and divine worship more reverence; and inasmuch as there are no tithes with which a few prebendaries can be sustained in the churches: therefore our governor of those islands shall appoint to each of the said churches two ecclesiastics of good life and example, who shall aid and assist the bishop in the pontifical acts, and in all else relating to divine worship. He shall assign them a certain modest sum for their support from our royal treasury, so that with that they may for the present serve the churches, until there be more opportunity for endowing them with prebendaries and providing other necessary things.” Felipe III, San Lorenzo, October 5, 1606. Recopilación de leyes, lib. i, tit. vi, ley xviii.

[361] The Rizal edition omits a considerable portion of this paragraph. The omission is as follows: para guarda del puerto, y defensa de la ciudad, con bastante guarnicion de soldados de paga, a orden del alcalde mayor, capitan a guerra de la prouincia que reside en la ciudad. Sera la poblazon, de dozientos vezinos Españoles, con casas de madera, tiene Cabildo, de dos alcaldes ordinarios, ocho rejidores, alguazil mayor y sus oficiales.

[362] Now [1890] of slight importance. Of its former grandeur there remain only 1,000 inhabitants, with a parochial house, a justice’s house, a prison, and a primary school.—Rizal.

[363] Vigan or Bigan.—Rizal.

[364] Legazpi also had two secular priests, Juan de Vivero and Juan de Villanueva, who had part in the first conversions.—Rizal.

[365] The Jesuits preceded the Dominicans seven years as missionaries to the Filipinas. The first Jesuits came over with Domingo de Salazar, the first bishop, and his Dominican associate.—Rizal.

[366] Visita: here meaning a district which has no resident missionary, but is visited by religious from some mission station, on which the visita is therefore dependent.

[367] Cf. with the musical ability of the Filipinos that displayed by the North American Indians, as described in The Jesuit Relations, vols. vi, p. 183; xviii, p. 161; xxiii, p. 213; xxvii, p. 117; xxxi, p. 219; xxxviii, pp. 259, 263; etc.

[368] Chirino (chapter vii) mentions the apportionment, by the king, of distinct districts to the different orders. The Augustinian authorities in Mexico granted permission to those of their order going to the Philippines to establish themselves wherever they wished in the islands (see VOL. II, pp. 161-168), and the latter exercised the omnimodo [i.e., entire] ecclesiastical authority, as conceded by the popes, until the arrival of the Franciscans in 1577. Papal concessions probably marked out the districts as apportioned by the king.

[369] Morga refers, with his characteristic prudence, to the great question of diocesan visits, which commenced with Fray Domingo de Salazar, and which could not be ended until 1775, in the time of Anda—thanks to the energy of the latter and the courage of Archbishop Don Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina, when after great disturbances they succeeded in subjecting the regular curas to the inspection of the bishops. Morga, however, shows that he did not approve the claims of the religious to independence, but does not dare to state so distinctly.—Rizal.

[370] The Augustinians received also one-fourth part of the tribute from the villages while they were building churches; and 200 pesos fuertes [i.e., ten-real pieces] and 200 cavans [the cavan equals 25 gantas, or 137 Spanish libras] of cleaned rice for four religious who heard confessions during Lent. Fifty cavans of cleaned rice per person seems to us too much. It results that each friar consumes 12 1/2 libras of rice or 27 chupas [the chupa is 1/8 ganta or 3 litros] daily, thirteen times as much as any Indian.—Rizal.

[371] Recopilación de leyes, lib. vi, tit. vii, ley xvi, contains the following in regard to the native chiefs: “It is not right that the Indian chiefs of Filipinas be in a worse condition after conversion; rather should they have such treatment that would gain their affection and keep them loyal, so that with the spiritual blessings that God has communicated to them by calling them to His true knowledge, the temporal blessings may be joined, and they may live contentedly and comfortably. Therefore, we order the governors of those islands to show them good treatment and entrust them, in our name, with the government of the Indians, of whom they were formerly the lords. In all else the governors shall see that the chiefs are benefited justly, and the Indians shall pay them something as a recognition, as they did during the period of their paganism, provided it be without prejudice to the tributes that are to be paid us, or prejudicial to that which pertains to their encomenderos.” Felipe II, Madrid, June 11, 1594.

[372] The gobernadorcillo [“little or petty governor”].

[373] Bilangõ signifies today in Tagál “the act of imprisoning,” and bilanguan “the prison."—Rizal.

[374] For good expositions of local government in modern times, see Bowring, Visit to the Philippine Isles (London, 1859), pp. 87-93; and Montero y Vidal, Archipiélago Filipino (Madrid, 1886), pp. 162-168.

[375] These are now [1890] made in Spanish.—Rizal.

[376] Names of petty officers: the former the name of an officer in oriental countries; the second signifying one who commands. Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera (Costumbres de los Tagalos, Madrid, 1892, p. 10, note 1) says the word dato is now unused by the Tagáls. Datu or datuls primitively signified “grandfather,” or “head of the family,” which was equivalent to the head of the barangay. This name is used in Mindanao and Joló to designate certain chiefs.

[377] A later law in Recopilación de leyes (lib. vi, tit. viii, ley xi) regulates the encomienda—giving power as follows: “The governor and captain-general of Filipinas shall apportion the encomiendas, in accordance with the regulations to worthy persons, without having other respect than to the service of God our Lord, and our service, the welfare of the public cause, and the remuneration of the most deserving. Within sixty days, reckoned from the time that he shall have heard of the vacancy, he shall be obliged to apportion them. If he does not do so, the right to apportion them shall devolve upon and pertain to our royal Audiencia of those islands, and we order the Audiencia to apportion them, paying heed to the laws, within six days, and to avail itself of the edicts and diligences issued by the governor without other new ones. In case the governor shall not have issued edicts and diligences, the Audiencia shall issue them and make the provision within twenty days.” Felipe III, Madrid, June 4, 1620.

[378] The rapidity with which many of these encomenderos amassed great wealth in a few years is known, and that they left colossal fortunes at their death. Some were not satisfied with the tributes and with what they demanded, but made false measures, and balances that weighed twice as much as was indicated. They often exacted the tributes in certain products only, and appraised the same at what value they wished.—Rizal.

[379] A law in Recopilación de leyes (lib. vi, tit. v, ley lxv) cites the above provision and confirms it anew: “In order to provide instruction for certain villages of the Filipinas Islands, which did not enjoy it, or if they had it, it was not sufficient, it was resolved to increase the tribute, which was formerly eight reals, or its value, per peso, to the proportion of ten Castilian reals apiece. It was ordered that the increased amount be placed in our royal treasury, and one-half real of it be applied to paying the obligations which had to be met in regard to the tithes, while the one and one-half reals would remain to pay those soldiers there and for other purposes; in consideration of the fact that the funds necessary to send out religious, who are employed in the preaching of the holy gospel, are supplied from our royal treasury, and that the encomenderos were obliged to pay for the ordinary instruction from the eight reals, and the part of the building of churches that fell to their share, while the Indians had the choice of paying all the tribute in money or in products, or in both. Thus was it enacted and voted. We order no innovation to be made in this regard, in consideration of the welfare and conservation of those provinces and their natives, and so that the choice of paying in money shall not occasion any lack of products and cause sterility.” Felipe II, San Lorenzo, August 1589; Felipe III, Zamora, February 16, 1602.

[380] The following law regulates supervision of the accounts of this fund: “Inasmuch as, when any encomienda of the Filipinas Islands happens to be without instruction, the fourth part of the tribute collected by the encomendero is deposited in a box with three keys, in order that it may be converted into benefices for the Indians; and as it is advisable that that ordinance be executed sensibly and properly, and that we should know the amount of it and how it is apportioned: therefore, we order our presidents, the governors of the Filipinas Islands, that whenever they deem it advisable to examine the account, they shall appoint for that purpose one of the officials of our royal treasury of those islands—the one most suitable for it—who shall examine them. The fiscal of our royal Audiencia shall investigate them before they are finished; and shall ask and see that they are executed with the care that the matter requires in regard to their items, charges, articles, and balances, and whatever else is advisable. He shall advise our president and governor of it all, so that he may assist him in what may be necessary, and advise us of the result.” Felipe III, Madrid, June 4, 1620, in Recopilación de leyes, lib. i, tit. xiii, ley xiv.

[381] The bull here referred to was issued by Gregory XIV, and dated April 18, 1591. The seventh section reads as follows: “Finally, since, as we have learned, our very dear son in Christ, Philip, Catholic King of the Spains, on account of the many deceits wont to be practised therein, has forbidden any Spaniard in the aforesaid Philippine Islands to dare to take, or have, or hold any slaves, or servants, even by right of just and unjust war, or of purchase, or by whatsoever other title, or pretext; although some, despite the edict, or mandate, of King Philip himself, still keep the same slaves in their power: therefore in order that, as is befitting to reason and equity, the Indians themselves may freely and safely without any fear of bondage come and go to their Christian doctrinas, and to their own homes and possessions, we order and command all and singular the persons living in the same islands, of whatsoever state, degree, condition, order, and rank they may be, in virtue of holy obedience and under pain of excommunication, on the publication of these presents, in accordance with the edict, or mandate of the said King Philip, to release wholly free, without deceit and guile, whatsoever Indian slaves and servants they may have, or hold; nor ever for the future in any manner to take or keep captives, or servants."—[Translated from the original by REV. T. C. MIDDLETON, O.S.A.]

[382] This [1890] has disappeared from legislation, although the personal services for España are still continued, and are fifteen days.—Rizal.

[383] Recopilación de leyes, lib. vi, tit. xii, ley xii, treating of personal services, reads as follows: “The religious and the ministers of the instruction, and the alcaldes-mayor of the Filipinas Islands have a weekly repartimiento of Indians which they call tanores, so that the Indians may serve them without pay; and besides the villages contribute to them the fish necessary to them on Fridays, which is against reason and justice. We order the governor and captain-general, the Audiencia, and any other of our justices, to stop and not allow this personal service and contribution, so that the villages shall in no manner perform it, and we declare the villages free from any obligation that they have or may have.” This law is dated Madrid, March 17, 1608.

[384] Taal was one of the villages where the most rigging was made for the royal ships.—Rizal.

[385] This word reales is omitted in the Rizal edition.

[386] A comparatively early law (Recopilación de leyes, lib. vi, tit. i, ley xv), prohibits the forcible removal of the natives for expeditions of conquest from one island to another. It is as follows: “We order that the Indians in the Filipinas Islands be not taken from one island to another forcibly in order to make incursions, and against their will, unless it be under very necessary circumstances, and paying them for their work and trouble. They shall be well treated and receive no injury.” Felipe II, Madrid, November 7, 1574.

[387] In Java also the Dutch restrict Europeans from roaming about the country; this is a good regulation for the protection of the inhabitants.—Stanley.

[388] Stanley praises these regulations; Rizal deplores them, as keeping the men in authority out of touch with the people.

[389] Recopilación de leyes, lib. iv, tit. x, ley vii, has the following law, dated Madrid, March 17, 1608: “The governor and captain-general of Filipinas shall for the present appoint the magistracy [regimiento] of the city of Manila, choosing persons who shall prove to be suitable for the office and zealous for the service of God our Lord, and for ours; and he shall not remove them without our special order.”

[390] Many royal decrees related to playing cards. The monopoly ceased to exist perhaps before the government monopoly on betel was initiated.—Rizal (in part).

[391] In 1890 he received 12,000 pesos.—Rizal.

[392] The prebend, in Spanish cathedrals, superior to a canonry.

The following laws (xvi and xvii, respectively) as to the appointments of vacant prebends, are found in Recopilación de leyes, lib. i, tit. vi.

“Because of the great distance from these kingdoms to the Filipinas Islands and the inconvenience that might result from the prebends falling vacant without any provision being made until we present those who shall take them, we order the governor and captain-general of the said islands that, when dignidades, canonries, and other prebends in the metropolitan church become vacant, he shall present other persons of the sufficiency and characteristics required, so that they may serve in place of their predecessors, until we provide persons for them. They shall receive the stipend that their predecessors shall have received. The governor shall observe the rules made by the laws of this titulo in his presentations.” Felipe II, Guadalupe, March 26, 1580.

“We order our governors of the Filipinas Islands, and charge the archbishops of Manila, that when any prebends of that church become vacant, they send us three nominations for each one, instead of one only, with very minute advice of their sufficiency, learning, degrees, and all other qualities that are found in those proposed, so that after examination, we may appoint the one most suitable.” Felipe III, Lerma, June 28, 1608.

[393] In 1890 the Filipinas were paying 36,670 pesos annually for one dean, four dignitarios, five canons, four racioneros, four medio-racioneros, and other inferior helpers, including the choir, a total of twenty-six individuals; 3,330 pesos annually is to be added for sacristans, singers, and orchestra.—Rizal.

[394] Their salary amounted to from 750 to 1,000 pesos. Now [1890] the salary of each bishop is 6,000 pesos, with two father assistants at 100 to 150 pesos per month.—Rizal.

[395] Thus in original, but it is carelessly worded; for the Society of Jesus is not one of the mendicant orders.

[396] All of the orders held property and had regular means of revenue, later; while the Dominicans held enormous property in both the islands and at Hong Kong.—Rizal.

[397] The following law is from Recopilación de leyes (lib. iii, tit. x, ley xiv): “The governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands shall be careful to reward the soldiers who shall have served us there, and their sons, with the posts and emoluments at his disposal, in accordance with the ordinances, and [he shall do it] with all fairness, so that they may have some remuneration. He shall keep in toto the laws relating to this.” Felipe III, Lerma, July 23, 1605; Madrid, December 19, 1618.

[398] Consejeles: men sent to service by order of a municipal council.

[399] The pay of various of the above officers and men in 1890 was as follows: Filipino infantrymen, 4 pesos per month; Spanish artillerymen, 13-15 pesos, plus some céntimos, per month; Filipino artillerymen, 4 pesos, plus some céntimos, per month; captains, 1,500-1,800 pesos per year; alféreces, 975-1,050 pesos per year; first sergeants, European, 318-360 pesos per year—native, 180 pesos per year; second sergeants, European, 248.06-307.50 pesos per year—native, 156 pesos per year; first corporals, European, 189.56-202 pesos per year—native, 84 pesos per year; second corporals, European, 174-192 pesos per year—native corporals, 72 pesos per year; the segundo cabo [lieutenant-commander], 12,000 pesos per year; sargento-mayor de plaza (now lieutenant-colonel), 225 pesos per month; vice-admiral [contra-almirante, general de galeras], 16,392 pesos per year; frigate and ship captains, 2,700-5,760 pesos per year, according to their duties and grades.—Rizal.

The following laws from Recopilación de leyes regulate the pay of the soldiers and some of the officers, and impose certain restrictions on the soldiers, and provide for certain appointments: “Each soldier established in the Filipinas Islands shall be paid eight pesos per month, each captain, fifty, each alférez, twenty, and each sergeant, ten. The governor and captain-general of the said islands shall give all the men of the companies thirty ducados to each company of additional pay, as is done in other districts, providing the additional pay of each one does not exceed ten pesos per year. We order that all be well paid. When the governor shall provide any of the captains, officers, or soldiers with an encomienda, or other post, he shall not allow him to draw pay. While they draw pay they shall not be allowed to trade or traffic, so that that occupation may not divert or distract them from their proper exercise and employment of war. For the same reason, no pay shall be granted to any soldier who serves any other person, whomsoever he be.” Felipe II, Añover, August 9, 1589, clause 34 of his instructions; Felipe III, Ventosilla, November 4, 1606; lib. iii, tit. x, ley xiii.

“We order that when the post of general of artillery of the Filipinas Islands becomes vacant, either by the death or promotion of its occupant, or for any other cause, the governor and captain-general shall not fill it without first notifying us and without our special order for it. We permit him to appoint a captain of artillery and a sargento-mayor, and he may assign each of them thirty pesos’ pay. We approve the increase of two pesos in the pay of the musketeers. It is our will that the pay of the governor’s captain of the guard be increased five pesos, in addition to his fifteen pesos, and that a like sum be granted to the commandants of forts when they have a captain of infantry.” Felipe II, clause of letter, Madrid, June 11, 1594; Felipe IV, Madrid, January 30, 1631; lib. iii, tit. v, ley iii.

[400] A definite law, as is shown in Recopilación de leyes, lib. iii. tit. iv, ley xiii, charged the viceroys of Nueva España to send help to the Philippines. The law is as follows: “We charge and order the viceroys of Nueva España to aid the governor and captain-general of Filipinas on all occasions that arise, with very special care, promptness, and diligence, with whatever the latter shall request; and with the men, arms, ammunition, and money, that he deems necessary for the conservation of those islands, salaries [the original is sueldos, perhaps a misprint for suelos, signifying ‘provinces’ or ‘districts’], presidios, and whatever else is under his charge.” Felipe III, Aranjuez, May 25, 1607.

The two following laws impose certain restrictions on the reënforcements sent to the Philippines from Nueva España:

“One of the captains who shall raise men in Nueva España as reënforcements for the Filipinas Islands, shall act as their agent to the port of Acapulco. There he shall deliver them to the general, or commander of the ships about to sail; but no captain shall take passage or go to the islands with the men of his company.” Felipe III, Zamora, February 16, 1602; lib. iii, tit. iv, ley xvi.

“Among the men sent by the viceroy, who shall go as a reënforcement from Nueva España to Filipinas, he shall not allow, under any circumstances, or admit, any mestizos or mulattoes, because of the annoyances that have been experienced from them.” Felipe III, Valladolid, August 30, 1608; lib. iii, tit. iv, ley xv.

[401] See ante, note 227, the citation of the law from Recopilación de leyes, lib. iii, tit. x, ley xiii.

[402] See VOL. XII (“Various documents relating to commerce”), pp. 57-75.

Bañuelos y Carrillo, in his relation to the king, says: “That the inhabitants of the Manilas should be allowed to export as many boat-loads as possible of the country’s produce—such as wax, gold, perfumes, ivory, and cotton cloth [lampotes]—which they must buy from the natives of the country, who would thus be hindered from selling them to the Dutch. In this way we would make those peoples friendly, and supply Nueva España with their merchandise; and the money taken to Manila would not leave that city. … Your Majesty should consider that one and one-half millions in gold go to China annually.” This commerce was advantageous to the Celestial empire alone and to certain individuals of Manila. It was fatal to España, and harmful to the islands, whose industry was gradually perishing like that of the metropolis.—Rizal.

[403] See in VOL. VIII, pp. 316-318, a royal decree enforcing these prohibitions under severe penalties.

[404] Coarse stuff made of goat’s hair, or a glossy silk stuff; probably the latter is intended in the text. Gorvoran or gorgoran is a sort of silk grogram.

[405] This fabric is now called Piña. It is made from threads stripped from fibers of the leaf of that plant or fruit, and which are never longer than half a yard. It cannot be woven at all times, as extreme heat or humidity affects the fiber. The machinery employed is of wood, unmixed with any metal, and of rude construction. This fabric is stronger than any other of equal fineness, and its color is unaffected by time or washing. The pieces are generally only 1 1/2 feet wide: the price varies from 1.s. 4d. to 2s. 6d. per yard. Piña of a yard wide is from six reals to a dollar (of eight reals) a yard. All the joinings of the threads are of knots made by the fingers. It is fabricated solely by native Indians in many parts of the Philippines, but especially in Ilo-Ilo. The use of this stuff is extensive, and the value is estimated at 500,000 dollars or £120,000; the value of the annual export of it to Europe for dresses, handkerchiefs, collars, scarfs, and wristbands, which are beautifully embroidered at Manila, is estimated at 20,000 dollars annually. (Mr. Consul Farren, January 21, 1851).—Stanley.

In order to obtain the fiber of this plant, the fruit is first cut, so that the leaf may become as long and broad as possible. When the leaves are well developed they are torn off, and scraped with a sharp instrument to separate the fleshy part and leave the fiber; this is washed, dried in the sun, combed out, and classed in four grades according to its fineness. The cloth has a peculiar softness and delicacy; and it is said that that made formerly (one or two centuries ago) was much finer than that made now.

[406] Scorzonera is a genus of composite plants, of numerous species; the leaves or roots of many are used as vegetables or salads. S. tuberosa and other Eastern species have edible roots.

[407] Delgado (ut supra) says that this fruit (Diospyros kaki, Linn.) was brought by the Chinese traders, and called Xi-cu in their language, whence is derived the word chiquey. It is a beautiful scarlet fruit, although there is another species of a yellow color. Both are sweet and pleasant to the taste. Some of the yellow variety were grown in the Visayas, but Delgado says the tree is not indigenous to the islands. The fruit is shaped like an acorn but is about as large as a lemon. The peel is soft and the interior like honey, and it contains several seeds. The tree is wide-spreading but not very tall. The leaves are small and almost round. D. kaki is the Chinese or Japanese persimmon; D. virginiana is the American persimmon. From other species is obtained the valuable wood called ebony.

[408] This must be the cloth and not the porcelain of Kaga, which even today is so highly esteemed.—Rizal.

[409] With very slight differences, this custom and ceremony is continued to the present [1890].—Rizal.

[410] “A three per cent duty was imposed in the Filipinas on merchandise, for the payment of the troops. We order that part of the law to be observed, but that pertaining to the other things paid from those duties to be repealed.” Añover, August 9, 1589. (Ley xxii.)

“We ordain that the Chinese, Japanese, Siamese, Borneans, and all other foreigners, who go to the ports of the Filipinas Islands, pay no duty on food, supplies, and materials that they take to those islands, and that this law be kept in the form in w, hich it may have been introduced, and not otherwise.” Añover, August 9, 1589. (Ley xxiv.)

“On the Chinese merchandise and that from other countries, shipped to Nueva España by way of Filipinas, an impost ad valorem tax of ten per cent shall be collected, based on their value in the ports and regions where the goods shall be discharged. This tax shall be imposed mildly according to the rule, and shall be a tax additional to that usually paid on departure both from the said Filipinas Islands and from the provinces of Nueva España, to any other places where they may and shall be taken.” El Pardo, November 1, 1591. (Ley xxi.)

“We order that the duty of three per cent collected in the Filipinas Islands on the merchandise taken thither by the Chinese be increased by another three per cent.” El Pardo, November 20, 1606. (Ley xxiii.) The above laws are from Recopilación de leyes, lib. viii, tit. xv.

[411] The agave (Agave americana; the maguey of Mexico) is found in the Philippines, and is called pita, but Delgado and Blanco think that it was not indigenous there. Its fibers were used in former times for making the native textile called nipis, manufactured in the Visayas. As used in the text, pita means, apparently, some braid or other ornament of agave fibers.

[412] The ducado of Castilla was worth slightly more than two pesos.—Rizal.

[413] These imposts and fetters, which the products of the country did not escape, are still [1890] in force, so that foreign markets must be sought, since the markets of the mother-country offer no greater advantages. According to a document of 1640, this commerce netted the government 350,000 pesos annually.—Rizal.

[414] The salary is now [1890] 40,000 pesos.—Rizal.

[415] Recopilación de leyes (lib. iv, tit. i, ley v) outlines the governor’s and Audiencia’s power in regard to conquests by private individuals, as follows: “We grant permission to the governor and president of the Filipinas Islands and its Audiencia to make contracts for new explorations and conquests [pacificaciones] with persons, who are willing to covenant to do it at their own expense and not at that of our royal treasury; and to give them the titles of captains and masters-of-camp, but not those of adelantados [i.e., governors] and marshals. Those contracts and agreements such men may execute, with the concurrence of the Audiencia, until we approve them, provided that they observe the laws enacted for war, conquest, and exploration, so straitly, that for any negligence, the terms of their contract will be observed, and those who exceed the contract shall incur the penalties imposed; also provided the parties shall receive our confirmation within a brief period assigned by the governor.” Felipe II, Guadalupe, April 1, 1580; Toledo, May 25, 1596, a clause of instructions.

[416] There are eight auditors now [1890], and their salary has increased to 4,700 pesos, while that of the fiscal is 5,500 pesos.—Rizal.

[417] Recopilación de leyes, lib. v, tit. xv, ley xxviii, contains the following on suits arising from residencias, dated Lerma, June 23, 1608: “Suits brought during the residencia against governors, captains-general, presidents, auditors, and fiscals of our Audiencia of Manila, and against any other officials, both civil and criminal, shall pass in appeal and be concluded in that Audiencia, if they do not exceed one thousand pesos of the current money.”

[418] The tributes of the Indians in the Filipinas amount to more than 4,000,000 pesos now [1890]; and from the Chinese are derived 225,000 pesos.—Rizal.

[419] Now since there is no exploitation of gold mines, and since the Indians have no jewels that would justify this tenth or fifth, the Spaniards substitute for this the imposts upon property, which amount to 105,400 pesos, and that upon industry, which amounts to 1,433,200 pesos. In 1640, the revenue from the above source [fifths or tenths] had decreased so greatly, that only 750 pesos were collected annually.—Rizal.

[420] Import duties now [1890] amount to 1,700,000 pesos.—Rizal.

[421] Export duties now [1890] amount to 285,000 pesos.—Rizal.

[422] According to Hernando de los Rios, the Filipinas Islands could have been self-sustaining from the beginning from their own products, had it not been for the expeditions and adventurous conquests in the Moluccas, Camboja, etc. … In the governorship of Don Juan de Silva, the treasury owed, for the war in the Moluccas, more than 2,000,000 pesos to the Indians, besides what it must have owed to the inhabitants of Manila.—Rizal.

[423] This excellent custom has entirely perished.—Rizal.

“The president of our royal Audiencia of Filipinas and one auditor of that body, shall, at the beginning of each year, examine the accounts of our royal officials, and shall finish their examination within the two months of January and February. On finishing their examination they shall send a copy of them to our council for the reason contained in the following law. Should the examination not be finished in the said time, our officials shall receive no salary. The auditor who shall assist in examining the accounts shall receive as a compensation the twenty-five thousand maravedis that are ordained; but he shall receive that amount only in that year that he shall send the said accounts concluded to our council.” Ordinance 97, Toledo, May 15, 1596. (Ley ix.)

“For the accounts of our royal treasury, which must be furnished in the usual form by our officials of the Filipinas Islands annually, during the administration of their duties, the officials shall deliver for inventory all the books and orders pertaining to those accounts, and all that shall be requested from them and that shall be necessary. They shall continue the course of their administration [of their duties] with new and similar books. These accounts shall be concluded before the governor of those islands, and the auditor whom the Audiencia and the fiscal of that body may appoint. In case of the finding of any doubts and remarks it is our will that the auditor and governor resolve and determine them, so that they may be concluded and finished. And inasmuch as the factor and overseer must give account of certain things in kind and products of great weight and tediousness, we order that that account be examined every three years, and that the concluding and settling of the doubts and remarks shall be made in the form declared. And we order that when the said accounts of the said islands are completed and the net balances struck, they shall be sent to our Council of the Indias, so that the accountants of its accounts may revise and make additions to them according to the manner of the accountancy.” Valladolid, January 25, 1605. (Ley x.)

The above two laws are taken from Recopilación de leyes, lib. viii, tit. xxix.

[424] The Chinese engaged in agriculture and fishing now [1890] are very few.—Rizal.

[425] The Rizal edition misprints fuerça è premio as fuerza á premio.

[426] The custom of shaving the head, now prevalent among the Chinese, was imposed upon them by their Tartar conquerors.

[427] A kind of stocking called tabi.—Rizal.

[428] The following law was issued at Segovia July 4, 1609, and appears in Recopilación de leyes, lib. iii, tit. iv, ley xviii: “The governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands shall ever strive to maintain friendly relations, peace, and quiet, with the emperor of Japon. He shall avail himself, for that purpose, of the most prudent and advisable means, as long as conditions permit; and he shall not risk the reputation of our arms and state in those seas and among oriental nations.”

[429] This port (established before 1540) was in Colima, Mexico, near the present Manzanillo. It was plundered and burned by the English adventurer Thomas Candish, on August 24-25, 1587.

[430] Thus named because seamen and voyagers noticed especially the lateen sails of the light vessels used by the natives of the Marianas.—Rizal.

[431] A marine fish (Sparus auratus), thus named because it has spots of golden-yellow color.

[432] A chart of the Indian Ocean, by L. S. de la Rochette (pub. London, 1803, by W. Faden, geographer to the king) shows three volcanoes in about 25º north latitude, and but a few degrees north of the Ladrones. One of them is called “La Desconocida, or Third Volcano,” and the following is added: “The Manilla ships always try to make this Volcano.”

[433] A group of islands called Shidsi To, lying in 34º 20’.—Rizal.

[434] “Thirty-eight degrees” is probably an error for “twenty-eight degrees,” and these islands [the first ones mentioned in the above sentence] would be the Mounin-Sima Islands, lying between 26º 35’ and 27º 45’; and Lot’s Wife in 29º 51’, and Crespo, in 32º 46’, which [latter] are supposed by the Univers Pittoresque to be the Roca de Oro [rock of gold] and the Roca de Plata of the ancient maps.—Stanley.

For these latter islands, see VOL. XIV, p. 272, note 45.

[435] A fungous substance that grows in the sea, and contains signs of life.

[436] Probably the dogfish, a species of shark.

[437] Most of these places can be identified on the old maps of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and most of the names are retained today. The island of Cedros is shown on a map of 1556 (Ramusio: Vniversale della parte del mondo nvovamente ritrovata). The island of Cenizas is shown, on the old maps, in about 32º, and Cedros in about 29º. The Marias or Tres Marias Islands are Maria Madre, Maria Magdalena, and Maria Cleofas. Cape Corrientes is south of La Valle de Banderas and Chametla. Socatul is called Socatula and Zocatula. An English map of 1626, engraved by Abraham Goos, shows the town of Ciguatlan, north of Aquapulco, which may be the same as Morga’s Ciguatanejo. Los Motines cannot be identified.

[438] Acosta in his History of the Indies (Hakluyt Soc. edition, London, 1880) says of the courses between the Philippines and New Spain: “The like discourse is of the Navigation made into the South sea, going from New Spaine or Peru to the Philippines or China, and returning from the Philippines or China to New Spaine, the which is easie, for that they saile alwaies from East to West neere the line, where they finde the Easterly windes to blow in their poope. In the yeere 1584, there went a shippe from Callao in Lima to the Philippines, which sailed 2000 and 700 leagues without sight of land, and the first it discovered was the Iland of Lusson, where they tooke port, having performed their voiage in two moneths, without want of winde or any torment, and their course was almost continually vnder the line; . . . The returne is like vnto the voiage from the Indies vnto Spaine, for those which returne from the Philippines or China to Mexico, to the end they may recover the Westerne windes, they mount a great height, vntill they come right against the Ilands of Iappon, and, discovering the Caliphornes, they returne by the coast of New Spaine to the port of Acapulco.”